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COL. DAVID FANNING'S
NARRATIVE

OF HIS

Exploits and Adventures as a Loyalist of North Carolina in the

American Revolution, supplying important omissions in

the copy published in the United States.

With an Introduction and Notes by

A. W. SAVARY, M. A.

Member of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, and Corresponding

IViembei of the New York Genealogical and Biographical

Society; author of the Savary Genealogy

and the Calnek-Savary Hictcry

of the County of

Annapolis

Reprinted from The Canadian Magazine
Toronto, 190S

INDEX

(From the manuscript, adapted to paging of this edition.)

PAGE

The Narrative of David Fanning 9

Major Robinson took the command 9

The first time my being taken , lo

My going to the Indians lo

John York in East Florida n

Colo. Mills taken 12

Gilliam took me 12

My wounds dressed 13

Treaty with the rebel, Colo. Williams 13

The reduction of Charleston 14

Colo. Innis' Engagement in South Carolina 14

Went to Deep River, North Carolina 14

Col. Hamilton's advertisement rs

A skirmish with Duck 15

Joined Lord Cornwallis 15

A skirmish with Capt. John Hinds 16

The Three Skirmishes 16

The Skirmish with Collier and Balfour 16

My appointment from J. H. Craigg 17

A copy of the commission, I gave i?

The names of the different Officer* 18

Chatham taken 19

The Regulations of the Loyalists 19

The oath to the Loyalists 20

Engagement with Col. Alston 21

Copy of a parole 21

Major Cage's letter 22

Col. Slingsby wounded 22

The Engagement with Wade 23

McDougald and McNeal join me 23

My advertisement 23

Hillsborough taken, (Gov. taken prisoner) 24

Colo. McNeal killed, and myself wounded 24

Skirmish with O Neal 24

J. H. Craigg's letter 25

Colo. Edmund Fanning's letter 25

Colo. McDougal's list of Ofl&cers 25

Colo. McNeal's do do 26

The Volunteers from Wilmington 26

Different skirmishes with Rutherford's men 26

Rebel proclamation 27

& Col. Isaacs from the mountains 27

Skirmishes with the Rebels 27

Golstons's House burnt and two Rebels killed 28

l^DEX— Continued

PAGE

Terms required by me of the Rebels 28

Williams' a nswer 28

Ramsey's Letters 29

Williams, Burns, & Clarke's letter 29

Capt. Linley murdered, and two men banged for it 30

Col. Alston came to me 30

My articles presented again 30

General Butler's letter 31

Walker, and Currie's skirmishes with the Rebels 31

Balfour killed 32

Bryan killed 32

Rebel Commisary hanged 32

Capt. Williams from Gov'r. to me 32

Griffith's Letter 33

Rosur and Goldston's letters 33

Capt. Dugin's and Guin's letter 33

The answer from the Assembly 33

Myself married, and Capt. Hooker killed 34

The forged letters 35

My answer in Major Rains' name 35

My riding Mare taken 36

Hunter's and Williams' letter 36

My arrival in Charleston 36

The names of the gentlemen Committee in Charleston 37

Rebel proclamation 37

Embarked for East Florida 38

Major Devoice's Articles 38

A certificate of my Services signed by officers in East Florida 39

An estimate of my property 40

King's Speech 40

My speech to the inhabitants 42

Myself and others set out for East Florida 43

My arrival at New Providence 46

Col. Hamilton's Letter 4^

My Memorial to the Commissioners 46

Lieut. Colo. McKay's letters 47

Commissioners' certificate • 48

Memorial for half pay to Sir George Young 48

My letter to George Randal 49

The Rebel Act of oblivion 5°

The Narrative of Col. Fanning

Introduction by A. W. SAVARY

r^OLONEL DAVID FANNING, of
^"^ North Carolina, was one of the

most remarkable characters developed
by the American Revolution. His own
narrative of his sufferings, exploits, mar-
vellous adventures and hairbreadth es-
capes during the war has for years past
been an object of quest by writers and
students of American and Colonial his-
tory, especially in the Maritime Provinces.
It was not until quite lately that I suc-
ceeded in tracing and getting temporary
possession of the manuscript, and to my
surprise afterwards discovered that it
had been printed — first at Richmond,
Virginia, in 1861, "in the first year of
the Independence of the Confederate
States of America," in an edition of fifty
copies "for private distribution only,"
with a preface signed "T.H.W." and an
introduction by John H. Wheeler, author
of a History of North Carolina, and
that it was reprinted in New York in
1864 in an edition of 200. The fact of
these pubHcations is not generally known
to American, and still less known to
Canadian, readers of to-day. Neither
the first copy nor the reprint is entire
or quite faithful to the original, and
both are out of print, and a complete
and true copy will, I am sure, be valued
both in Canada and the United States.
Not only are the incidents related of
thrilling niterest, but the narrative is a
self-vindication of one whom American
writers of every grade have agreed in
3

execrating as the very incarnation of
wickedness and ferocity. It was not
until about the middle of the last century
that the American public awoke to the
fact that there could have been any
patriotism or public or private virtue in
the breast of any one who espoused the
loyal side in the American Revolution.
It was the melancholy fate of a Loyalist
to be written down a villain before the
eyes of posterity; and it has been labor-
ious and difficult to uncover and bring
to light the real characters of many wor-
thy men from under the vast load of
obloquy with which American writers
had overwhelmed them. As an American
litterateur of note once remarked to me,
Sabine's "American Loyalists" was a
"revelation" to the American people,
who had never before known that there
could possibly be two sides to the ques-
tion. "Here then rests a Tory, and you
say, judge, that he was a good man,"
exclaimed Sabine himself in surprise,
when the grave of the Rev. Roger Viets was
pointed out to him in Digby. Sabine,
no doubt, was as impartial as he dared
be in view of the public to which he was
catering, and he ventured to record and
condemn many of the violent excesses
of the Whigs, but often fails to connect
cause and effect in relating the reprisals
on the part of outraged Loyalists which
those excesses naturally provoked, and
he enters no extenuating plea for Fan-
ning, while as to Moody, whose similar

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

narrative in full the reader will find in
the "History of Annapolis," and who
was pursued in his own State by the
same vindictive hatred that followed
Fanning in his, he difl'idcntly concludes
that "evidence is wanting to show that
he violated to a serious extent the rules
of civilised warfare." Both these men
desired to remain at peace, but like
many and many another similarly in-
clined were driven into the war by the
homicidal or predatory violence of their
rebel neighbours. As the numerous
town histories of New England show,
it was the function of the "Committee
of Correspondence and Safety," organ-
ised as a sort of Inquisition in every
township, to visit every man in the town-
ship and compel him to sign or refuse
to sign a pledge to support the Contin-
ental cause with his life and property.
Any who declined from conscientious
religious scruples, as a Quaker, might
be excused, and such was the number
who sought immunity under this plea
that the Reverend Jacob Bailey* wrote
that he expected that at the close of the
war, if the result should be favourable
to the British cause, the Society of Friends
would be found to have ver>' largely
increased. Those, however, who re-
fused on any other ground were sub-
jected to treatment in contrast to which
the modern boycott were mercy itself.
The cases of Moody, Budd.f Fanning
and Thomas Brown, are only examples
of an immense number whose story
never has been and now never can be
told. Tarring and feathering a neutral,
or a "Tor}'," and carrj'ing him astride
a fence-rail, was a favourite pastime of
"patriots" all over the country. Be-
sides, pending the achievement of
their independence, the various State
governments assumed the prerogatives
of recognised nations in respect to the
crimen lasa. majestatis, and tried and
executed as rebels against the State those
who refused to be rebels against their
king. Men who were unwilling to join

♦Manuscript letters of Rev. Jacob Bailey,
Loyalist Rector of Annapolis. See "A
Frontier Missionary." Boston: Ide & But-
ton, 1853.

fHistory of Annapolis, p. 430.

in subverting by force the government
de jure, were thus held guilty and made
pay the fatal penally of treason against
the usurped government de facto. Two
instances unrecorded in history come
readily to my mind as I write: A brother
of the father of the Honourable James
W. Johnstone, the eminent Nova Scotian
statesman and jurist, a mere boy, was
so put to death in Georgia,* and one
Hutchinson, son of the second wife of
the Rev. John Wiswall, loyalist Rector
of Aylesford and W'ilmot, N.S., was
hanged by the rebels when attempting
to visit his parents. f The^je two cases
are not mentioned by Sabine, and his
book abounds in such. "Proscribed
and banished" is the sentence he con-
tinually records, and the banishment
was usually on pain of death. J Impar-
tial historians cannot but put down
these deeds as "cold-blooded murder,"
to use the exact term applied to Fan-
ning's acts in the preface before me.

Nor does Sabine deal much more
justly with the memory of Col. Edmund
Fanning and Richard Lippincott, known
in this country after the Revolution as
most worthy and estimable as well as
able men, and as late as 1879, on the
occasion of the bi-centennial celebration
of Rochester, Mass., one of the orators
of the day branded with shame the
memory of General Timothy Ruggles,
a native of the town, whose talents and
virtues would probably have made him
President, perhaps the first President of
the United States, as he had been of
the first Congress of the disaffected col-
onies, if his conscience and judgment
could have permitted him to espouse
what proved to be the winning side.
He fell, politically, in a lost, although an
honourable and chivalrous, cause. Bui
more recent American writers have been
fairer than Sabine, and more courag-
eous, and many of them are now treat-

♦Recollections of a Georgia Loyalist, edited
by Rev. A. W. H. Eaton, New York, 1901.

tMS. Letters of Rev. Jacob Bailey.

JThree ladies of social distinction were
attainted of high treason by the Legislature
of New York, and banished on pain of death
the only instance where women were so
treated in the history of the English people

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING 5

ing the events of the American Revo- declares that the narrative "from its
lution, and the characters and motives minuteness of detail and accuracy of
of its actors, in a judicial spirit. Doctor dates (which have been compared with
Hosmer, in his life of Governor Hutch- reliable authorities) may be depended
inson, does full justice to his worthy and on as a truthful record," and quotes the
distinguished subject, but we are sur- testimony of the historian Bancroft to
prised that he justifies the expulsion its "authenticity, fidelity and value."
of the Loyalists, not apprehending that But the author of the preface starts
the same spirit of chivalrous and relig- with an error as to Fanning's birth-place,
ious fidelity that marked their dutiful which he says was in Johnston County,
allegiance to the old government would North Carohna, whereas Fanning de-
have been transferred to the new, once clares in his will that he was the son of
the terrible struggle in which they had David Fanning, and was born at Beech
fought and lost was over; and that the Swamp, in Amelia County, Virginia,
ability and patriotism of their leaders where his father left a considerable
would have been of immense value in estate of which he was "the rightful
helping to overcome, instead of, as he heir," and which he still hoped at that
suggests, promoting or accentuating the date (1825) that his family might re-
initial difficulties and troubles that un- cover, although he had evidently given
avoidably beset the new republic. Syd- up, as irretrievably lost, his former pos-
ney George Fisher, with obvious pro- sessions in North Carolina. The hope
priety, entitles his most valuable book, of recovering his Virginia property, it
which has been very recently published, is clear, led him to refuse* to allow his
"A true History of the American Revo- narrative to be published, lest it should
lution." He faithfully exposes and ac- weaken his claim in that regard. Other
counts for the suppression and distor- statements of the writer of the preface
tions of the truth by the earlier writers, respecting Fanning's boyhood and phy-
but entirely misunderstands the modern sical idiosyncrasies, given as "princi-
colonial policy of England, and traduces pally traditionary," such as his being
her conduct of the Boer war. A perusal afHicted with "scald head," and unfit
of his book is absolutely necessary to to sit at table with his fellows or to sleep
a fair understanding of the facts of the in a bed, and designed to stigmatise him
revolutionary period. as a degraded character, belonging to
In Fanning's original manuscript the ^he dregs of society, are evidently un-
chirography is excellent, but there is reliable, and of doubtful good faith,
little or no punctuation, and the orthog- He speaks of the "self-satisfaction"
raphy and too free use of initial capitals ^^'ith which, after relating his "cold-
is perhaps a little more irregular than blooded murder of his neighbours and
was common in those days, and these fellow-citizens," he applies to himself at
errors are aggravated and a distorted the close of his "Address to the Reader,"
punctuation introduced in the printed the words of the Psalmist: "Mark the
edition. In fact, there is reason to sus- perfect man and behold the upright, for
pect that the Richmond editor tried to ^^^ ^nd of that man is peace." But
make Fanning appear a more illiterate ^^^^ ^^^^ is not in Fanning's handwriting,
man than he really was.* It is better, ^^^ ^^'^^ ^'^ doubt written there after
I think, that all these eccentricities ^^^ death by his widow or son. As to
should be rectified in the present re- ^^^ alleged "cold-blooded murder" it
print, as manuscripts of that period are ^''^^ .^e seen that in every case Fanning
usually so dealt with in these days. It specifically mentions the offence which
is satisfactory to note that Mr. Wheeler ^^^ victim was condemned to expiate,
— — . alwavs the cold-blooded murder bv the

H *w-'°'*^'''^'=- ?^^^'^°'''^^T"'^"'^?"^^' victim himself, singly or with others,

derivatives are always spelled correctly in ' -^ ■' '

the manuscript, and always persue in the *A letter from him, dated in 1S22, printed

printed copy, but I have changed was to were in Mr. Wheeler's introduction, points to-this

in many place . conclusion.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

of one of Fanning's men or some other
Lovalist. For instance, we find in his
index : " Col. Lindley murdered and
two men hanged for it." I will itali-
cise this and several other instances in
the narrative. I refer also to Fanning's
account of the barbarous treatment by
the insurgents of his companion, Thomas
Brown, whose terrible reprisals on his
persecutors are fully related by Sabine.
Mr. Wheeler has not a word of condem-
nation for these atrocities; they do not
shock him in the least; while the deeds
of their avenger excite in him the most
intense horror. He says in his copious
and doubtless locally valuable biograph-
ical notes that Col. Balfour was
"cruelly murdered" by Fanning, al-
though he had read in the narrative
that in a previous negotiation as to the
terms of a proposed peace between
the contending factions, Balfour had
laid it down that there was "no resting
place for a Tory's foot on the earth,"
showing that a cessation of hostilities could
only be secured by Fanning's surrender
and execution. The conflict, therefore,
was renewed with more desperate and
fatal furv, and seeing that certain death
awaited him at Balfour's hands in the
event of his capture, it is hardly to be
wondered at that at their next encounter
Fanning should try to get in the first
shot, or should seek the first opportunity
of slaying his intended slayer.

I conclude that Fanning has been
grievously maligned by American writ-
ers, who have been unable to view his
career v.ith other than the jaundiced
eyes of the partisan. If he had done
just what he did in the American in-
stead of the loyal cause, he would have
been acclaimed as one of the bravest and
best of their heroes. Mr. Wheeler says:
"Had the daring, desperate temper of
Fanning been elevated by education,
chastened by religious influences, and
directed in proper and patriotic channels,
his name might have been associated
with that of the Marions and Waynes
of the eventful epoch in which he was
notorious." To this I would say that
if he had fought on the revolutionary
instead of on the loyal side, IMr. Wheeler
ancf every other American writer would

have described him as a man whose
"daring, desperate temper" was emi-
nently "elevated by education," and
"chastened by religious influences," as
well as "directed in proper and patriotic
channels," and truly illustrious among
the Waynes and Marions of that event-
ful epoch. His enemies' reports of his
character and conduct probably influ-
enced the British government, by whom
he was not treated with the same gener-
osity as others who had done and sufi'ered
less. Mob violence and outrages on
person and property began* with the
insurgents; wrong begets wrong, and
Fanning, resolute, daring and resource-
ful, fought his enemies with their own
methods, the only methods available
to him in a war that set family against
family, and neighbour against neighbour,
and was waged by small, irresponsible
bands all through the Province, over
which a reign of terror, appalling to con-
template, made wreck of the humane
sentiments that cast a glamour over the
operations of regular warfare between
Christian' nations. As each petty leader,
fired with party rage or thirsting for re-
venge, gained a temporary advantage
over his opponents,

Hope withering fled and mercy sighed
farewell.

He was animated by a chivalrous loyalty
to his lawful sovereign, and the idea of a
"united Empire," at least as disinterested
and quite as commendable as the similar
sentiments which fired the breast of the
most faithful soldier of the Union who
fought in the great American Civil War,
and he was patriotically devoted to the
interests of his country as he saw them.

The author of the preface asserts that
the people of the Southern States, "ere
the actors in the old struggle had all
passed away, ^^•ere obliged to again draw

*It was not till after this paper was written
• hat I found a complete confirmation of these
conclusions in another fair and impartial
American book recently published. Van
Tyne, in his "Loyalists' of the American
Revolution," p. 184, says that the hanging of
five Loyalist prisoners of war by the rebels,
in North Carolina, led to reprisals which were
continued in that region through the war,
clearly referring to the events recorded by
Fanning.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

the sword to protect their homes and
firesides from an oppressor (the North),
who attempted to impose on them burdens
more odious than those they refused to
bear from that nation to which they
owed their existence as a people"; that
the "mad efforts" of the North to subdue
the South had "brought about the re-
enacting of scenes such as disclosed by
our veracious chronicler"; scenes, "at
the recital of which decency revolts, and
before the perpetrators of them even the
Tories of the first revolutionary war might
'hide their diminished heads'." Ameri-
cans of the present day will consider him
as wrong in these extravagant pronounce-
ments as we consider him in his estimate
of Fanning.

Sabine, who, strange to say, knew
nothing of this narrative, says that Fan-
ning's correspondence (although where
and how he got access to it is hard to
conjecture, and he could have seen but
little of it) affords "ample evidence" that
he was "often involved in quarrels with
his neighbours," which is scarcely com-
patible with the fact that he was chosen
three times to represent them in the
Provincial Parliament, in which he sat as
member for Queen> County from 1791
to January 27th, 1801. His will, how-
ever, dated at Digby, March loth, 1825,
four davs before his death, shows him to
have had at that time some difference with
Elkanah jNIorton, the Judge of Probate,
a widely known and esteemed* but some-
what punctilious and stern magistrate
and official, for he expresses a wish that
he should have nothing to do with the
probating of the will, but that some
other judge should deal with it.

A sad and most extraordinary episode
put an untimely end to his career in the
legislature, by calling for the vacation of
his seat, he being the only member of a
British colonial legislature ever so
affected. A black woman of bad repute,
known as Sail London, charged him with
an offence for which at that day there was
no alternative but the death penalty. To
the astonishment of the public he was
convicted on her unsupported evidence,
but the judgment was promptly nullified
by the Governor of the Province, who was

*S€e History of Annapolis, page 426.

convinced that he had been falsely accused
and wrongly convicted, and did all he
could in such a case by exercising the
"royal prerogative" in his favour. After
this he* removed to Digby, Nova Scotia,
near which he lived on a farm at the base
of the picturesque mountain that lifts its
lofty head between the town and the
strait on the old road to Point Prim
Lighthouse. Here still nestles cosily the
old farmhouse in which he restfully passed
the declining years of his chequered life,
and here lived his son, Ross Currie Carr
Fanning, when the writer knew him from
the early sixties of the last century till
his death.

In New Brunswick his name is per-
petuated in a stream known as Fanning's
Brook, forming part of the boundary line
between Kings and Queens Counties on
the west side of the River St. John. On
this stream he built a mill, part of the
dam of which still exists, and the cellar
of his house can be seen about half a
mile distant. f In his will, besides the
mention of his inheritance in Georgia,
he spoke of the claim his family had on
the generosity of the British Government,
but although that Government granted a
pension to Moody's widow, nothing was
ever done for the widow or children of
Fanning.

In the cemetery of Holy Trinity Church,
Digby, is a stone with the following in-
scription:

In memory of

Col. David Fanning.

who departed this life

March 14th, 1825,

in the

seventieth year of his age

Humane, affable, gentle and kind;
A plain, honest, open, moral mind;
He lived to die, in God he put his trust,
To rise triumphant with the just.

On another stone near by, evidently
erected by himself, is the following
epitaph, curious for its "minuteness of
detail": In memory of David William,
son of David and Sarah Fanning, who

*Not in 1790, as Wilson in his History of
Digby says, nor in 1799, as stated by Sabine.

fFor the facts mentioned in the preceding
paragraph the writer is indebted to Dr.
Hannay, the able historian and archaeologist
of New Brunswick.

THE NARRATIVE OF CUL. FANNING

died July 15, iSio, aged 16 years, 11
months, and i day, and 11 hours and 37
minutes.

He left a daughter, Fercbec, who mar-
ried first Simeon Smalle, of Maine;
second, Peter Hanselpiker of a New
York Dutch Loyalist family, and left
issue. His only surviving son, Ross C.
C. Fanning, lived and died on the paternal
homestead, where he conducted the farm
and operated a carding mill. He it was
who permitted Mr. Porter C. Bliss, on
behalf of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, to copy the manuscript, probably
not long after his father's death. It is to be
hoped he never saw the printed version
with its "Introduction" and "Preface."
He was a burly looking man with a some-
what austere aspect, and long a much
respected and efficient Justice of the
Peace. In the General Sessions of the
Peace, which formerly regulated municipal
affairs, he was recognised as a man of
good judgment but of very determined
will. He was born May 30, 1791, mar-
ried Sarah Woodman of Digby, and died
Sept. 8, 187 1, leaving an estate of
about $20,000 to be divided among five
daughters. Mr. Wheeler states that Rev.
E. W. Carruthers, D.D., in a work
entitled "Incidents and Sketches of
Character, Chietly in the Old North State,"
1854, has devoted more than 150 pages
to the life and character of Fanning, and
quotes Dr. Carruthers as saying that this
son was a Ruling Elder in the Church.
But he was a member of the Church of
England until about ten years before he
died, when he united himself to the
Methodist Society, in neither of which

Churches is there such an ofhce as
Rilling Elder*

I propose to omit the "Address to the
Reader" and the instructions to the
printer at the end, and to insert all that
was omitted by Mr. Wheeler, including
the adventurous escape to Florida and
the West Indies, and the proclamation of
amnesty or "Act of Pardon and Oblivion
of the State of North Carolina," the latter
to show how limited and illiberal was its
scope.

*The Rev. A. M. Hill, in a little book,
"Chapters in the History of Digby," professes
in a humorous vein to give the reason for
this change of religion. Under the heading,
"How Ross Currie became a Methodist," he
says that Mr. Currie was "a perfect picture
of a prosperous, contented farmer," but "not
the gentlest of mortals or the meekest of men,
for the law of heredity had made him obstin-
ate, dogmatic and strong-willed." He was
the owner of a pew in Trinity Church. It
came to pass that the ladies "considered that
more of the Earth's surface should be covered
by them," and adopted hoop skirts. They
got along with them tolerably well in the
streets by "in extreme cases making detours,
or describing a series of semi-circles" in meet-
ing each other. The projection of some of
the pews into the aisles, among them Mr.
Currie's, "affected the graceful carriage of
the fair dames," and threatened the crushing
and destruction of the cherished garment.
Appealed to to allow a part of his capacious
and comfortable pew to be cut away, Mr.
Currie indignantly refused, and when "some
of the Wardens, probably henpecked hus-
bands, armed with a saw, accomplished the
work of demolition," Mr. Currie "renounced
all connection with the Episcopal Church,
consigned the thirty-nine articles to oblivion,
forgot in his wrath Apostolic Succession, and
became an ardent disciple of Wesley. Styles,
fashions, hoops and skirts had carried the
day in Trinity."

Annapolis Royal. N.S.
June 10, I 90S

The Narrative of Col. Fanning

/^OL. THOMAS FLETCHALL, of Captains' companies, and continued for

^^ Fairforest, ordered the different Cap- several days under arms, and then both

tains to call musters, and present two parties were determined on this condition,

papers for the inhabitants to sign. One that neither party should intercept each

was to see who were friends to the King other. This continued for some time,

and Government, and the other was to see until the rebels had taken Thomas Brown,

who would join the rebellion. who after that had the honour to be

The first day of May, Capt. James Colonel of the regiment of the East

Lindley, of Raebern's Creek, sent to me, Florida Rangers, at Augusta, burnt his

as I was a Sergeant of the said company, feet, tarred and feathered him, and cut off

to have his company warned to meet at his hair. After he got so he was able to

his house 15th of said month. I did sit on horseback, he came to our post, and

accordingly, and he presenting the two the rebels then began to embody again,

papers there were 118 men signed in Col. Fletchall found a large camp, and

favour of the King, also declared to de- marched from Liberty Springs to Mill

fend the same, at the risk of lives and Creek on our way towards Ninety-Six.

property. Twelve miles from Ninety-Six the rebels

In July, 1775, there were several found that they were not strong enough

advertisements set up in every part for us, and sent an express to Col. Fletchall

of the said district, that there was a to come and treat with them, which said

very good Presbyterian minister to call at Fletchall did. But the terms of their

the different places to preach and baptise treatment I don't know. We were all

children. dismissed until further orders. In a

But at the time appointed, instead of short time after, the rebels took Capt.

meeting a minister we all went to meet Robert Cunningham and carried him off

two Jews by name of Silvedoor and to Charlestown. Our party was then

Rapely, who, after making many speeches informed of his being taken off in the

in favour of the rebellion, and using all night time, and by making inquiry after

their endeavours to delude the people him, we got information of a large quantity

away, at last presented revolution papers of ammunition that was there, on its way

to see who would sign them; they were to the Cherochee Nation, for Capt.

severely reprimanded by Henry O'Neal Richard Paris to bring the Indians down

and many others. It came so high, that into the settlement, where the friends of

they had much ado to get off with their the Government lived, to murder all they

lives. The rebels then found that we could. We intercepted the ammunition

were fully determined to oppose them, and took Capt. R. Paris, who swore to

They began to embody in the last of said these facts. We then formed a large

month; to compel all to join them, or to camp, and Col. Fletchall, being so heavy,

take away our arms. Our officers got he gave up the command to Major Joseph

word of their intentions. I then got Robinson.

orders from the Captain to warn the In the month of November, 1775, the

militia to assemble themselves at Hugh South Carolina Militia, of which I was

O'Neal's mill; which was done by several at that time Sergeant, under the com-

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

mand of Major Joseph Robinson, laid
siege to a fi^t, erected by the rebels
at Ninety-Six, commanded by Col. Mason;
which continued for the space of three
days and three nights — at the expiration
of which time the rebels were forced to
surrender, and give up the fort and
artillery. Major Robinson then ordered
the militia to the north side of Saluda
River, and discharged them for eighteen
days. Afterwards orders were issued for
all Captains to collect their respective
companies at Hcndrick's Mill, about
twenty miles from Ninety-Six; the rebels
having received intelligence of our in-
tended motion, they immediately marched
before us and took possession of the
ground, which prevented our assembling
there. But about 300 of our men met at
Little River and marched thence to Reedy
River, and encamped at the Big Cane
Break for several days. The rebels being
informed of our situation, marched un-
expectedly upon us, and made prisoners
of 130 of our men; the remainder lied into
the woods and continued there with the
Cherochee Indians until the iSth January,
1776, when I was made a prisoner by a
partv of rebels commanded by a Capt.
John Burns, who after detaining mc four
days and repeatedly urging me to take
the oath of allegiance to the United States,
stripped me of everything, and made me
give security for my future good behaviour,
by which means I got clear. On the loth
of May, 1776, hearing the rebels had
issued a proclamation to all the friends of
Government, offering them pardon and
protection provided they would return to
their respective habitations and remain
neutral, induced me to return to my home,
where I arrived on the 15th of June.

On the 20th, the rebels being appre-
hensive of the Cherochee Indians breaking
out, dispatched several of their emissaries
among the Loyalists to discover their
intentions, one of which was Capt. Ritchie,
who came to me and told me he was a
friend to Government, and some time
before left the Indian Nation, and then
v.-anted a pilot to conduct him to the
Indian Nation again. I agreed to con-
duct him to any part of the countr}'' he
wanted to go to, provided he would keep

it secret. This he promised to do. But
immediately he went and lodged informa-
tion against me, and swore that I then had
a company of men ready, in order to join
the Indians. In consequence of this, I
was made prisoner again, on the 25th,
by a Capt. John Rogers, and thrown into
close confinement with three sentinels
over me. On the ist of July, the Indians
came down into the back country of South
Carolina and killed several families, at
which time, the rebel camp being in great
confusion, I made my escape, and went to
my own lu)use at Raebern's Creek; but
finding a number of my friends had
already gone to the Indians, and more
disposed so for to do, I got twenty-five
men to join me, and on our arrival at
Parisher's plantation, on Reedy River,
in the Indian land, we formed a junction
with the Indians. On the 15th inst., in the
evening, the militia and the Cherochees
to amount of 260 surrounded the fort
built with logs, containing 450 of the
rebels, and after a smart fire on both sides
for two hours and a half, we retreated
without any injury except one of the
Indian Chiefs being shot through the
hand. I then left the Indians and pur-
sued my way to North Carolina, where
on my arrival, I was taken up again and
close confined, but was rescued by my
friends three different times, after which I
made my escape good. I then endeavour-
ed to go home again, and after experienc-
ing numberless hardships in the woods,
I arrived the loth of March. 1777, at
Raebern's Creek, South Carolina.

I was made prisoner again on the nth,
by a Capt. Smith, bound hand and foot,
and carried under guard towards Ninety-
Six gaol; after marching twelve miles,
the company halted for the evening, and
watching an opportunity I cut the ropes
I was bound with and stripped myself
when the guard was asleep; I threw
myself out of the window and returned
back to Raebern's Creek by a different
way from that which they had carried me
prisoner. I was obliged now to secrete
myself in the woods, and was supplied
with provisions by some Quakers and
other Loyalists in the neighbourhood.

A company of Loyalists, of which I was

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

one, was then raised by a Richard Parish,
and it was determined to go to Mobile
and join the British army, but one of the
company proving treacherous, gave in-
formation to the rebels, who raised a body
of troops to suppress us. They took me,
with five more prisoners, and carried us
to Ninety-Six gaol on the 5th August,
1777. Captain Parish escaped with some
Loyalists belonging to the company, and
made his way good to the British army at
Mobile, in West Florida. Myself, with
five others who were taken, remained
in close confinement until November
f oUowing, and we were tried for our lives
on a charge of high treason for rising in
arms against the United States of America,
but were acquitted and went home. The
fees and expenses of my confinement
amounted to £300, Virginia money,
allowing dollars at six shillings each,
which I paid, and was then ordered back
to the gaol for the rent of the room.

On the ist of March, 1778, Capt. John
York, of East Florida, received orders
from the Commander-in-Chief for the
Loyal jMilitia of Georgia and South
Carolina to assemble themselves. Ac-
cordingly, they were embodied. The
majority of the peopjle chose me their
commanding officer. We took a number
of prisoners, furnished ourselves with
horses, and marched to Savannah River
on the borders of Georgia (two miles
above Augusta). Capt. York, who was
our pilot, then got discouraged, and would
not suffer any of the militia to proceed
with him back to East Florida except
three men; we were then under the
necessity of returning home, upwards
of one hundred miles, through the rebel
country, and betake ourselves to the
woods as formerly. During our retreat
we were pursued by three hundred of the
rebels, but we got back home to Raebern's
Creek safe. When the rebels found we
were returned, they raised a bodv of men
to take us, and for the space of three
months kept so constant a look-out that
we were obliged to stay in the woods; six
weeks of which time I never saw a man,
except Samuel Brown (who was after-
wards killed at Tigo River), who shared
my sufferings, and we lived entirely.

without either bread or salt, upon what
we killed in the wilderness. We deter-
mined, let the consequences be what they
would, to proceed to the settlement of
Green River, North Carolina, where we
rested ourselves at a friend's house about
a week. Here we parted. I then pro-
ceeded to Tigo River, where I arrived
safe on the ist of June, 1778. Myself and
one Samuel Smith now associated and
were taken by a company of rebels, com-
manded by a Capt. Going. We made our
escape the second night by bribing the
sentinel, and parted company. I met
with one of the horses belonging to the
rebels, about a mile from the house I had
escaped from, and mounted him. They
pursued me through the woods by the
horse's tracks upwards of seventy miles,
and came to Raebern's Creek where I
lived. They were anxious to recover their
horse from me, and promised to return one
of four they had taken from me if I would
deliver up the said horse. This being
agreed upon, I went with them to receive
my own horse back again; when we had
advanced thirty miles we came near to
where a rebel fort was. I desired them to
go a little out of the way and avoid it,
which they had promised to do before we
proceeded on our journey. One of them
laid hold of my horse's bridle and told me
to surrender myself a prisoner, for they
were determined to confine me in the fort
or carry me to Ninety-Six gaol, about
eighty mile? off. They said I v/as not
in that damned tory country at that
time. I therefore, after some conversa-
tion, concluded to submit to be disarmed
at the time, as they threatened blowing a
ball through me every instant if I did not
surrender, which I did. On my arrival
at the fort I was stripped of my clothes
and confined close till morning, when they
tied mv legs under a horse's belly and took
me before a magistrate to commit m.e to
gaol. However, I was admitted to bail
for my good behaviour. On my return
to the people who took my horse and
clothes, upon asking for them I w^as
retaken before another magistrate, and
committed to gaol under a strong guard.
On my proceeding towards the gaol the
guard was particularly careful about

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

securing me; and in order to do it the
more effectually, tied me with a rope to a
stout fellow who was one of them. When
I found him asleep I took the opportunity
to cut myself loose with a knife (or rather
with a pair of horse fleames) which was
accidentally left lying in the road, and
throwing myself out of the window made
my escape, and took to the mountains for
shelter. I continued there for some time,
when Col. ]Mills of the Loyal Militia, on
knowing where I was, proposed at several
meetings we had, to raise a company,
which we did, of 500 men, for the purpose
of going to St. Augustine. One of the
company proved faithless and gave in-
formation to the rebels, who immediately
embodied themselves and took Col. Mills
prisoner with sixteen of the company, and
carried them off to Salisbury gaol. My-
self, with fourteen more, pursued about
twenty miles with an intention of rescuing
them, until we were in sight of Gilbert
town where the rebels had a guard; and
finding we could not effect our purpose
at that time, our numbers being so small
and theirs increasing, we returned back.
The rebels pursued us all night, and in
the morning we perceived them within shot
of us. We tired upon them, which they
returned, and continued skirmishing with
them in the woods about an hour, when
they retreated. WTiat injury we did
them we could not tell; on our part we
suffered no loss. Here our party separ-
ated, and I made way for Holsten River,
abo'it 140 miles through the woods. I
had proceeded about forty miles on my
way when I was met by three men, one of
whom knew me. He came to me with
seeming friendship, and on taking my
hand called his companions to assist him
in securing me, which they did, and made
me a prisoner. They tied my hands
behind my back, and feet to each other
under the horse's belly, and took me
to Ninet\'-Six gaol again, where I was
closely confined for seventeen days. Dur-
ing my confinement I got acquainted with
a friend to Government, who lived there,
by talking to him through the gates; he
furnished me with two files and a knife,
bv which means I cut throusrh the iron bars
and escaped. I returned again to Rae-

bern's Creek, and after remaining some
time in the woods there I was advised by
friends to make peace with Capt. Gillian,
who commanded a company of rebels on
the Indian lines. As I durst not be seen
by any of the rebel party, I got one of my
friends to go to him, desiring him to meet
me alone at a particular place, and give
him my word I would not injure him.
We met accordingly, and passed our
words not to disturb or injure each other.
We continued our meetings in the woods,
generally every day or two for the space
of a month, until we were discovered by
some of his company, who threatened to
have him punished for treating with me.
However, he still met me, now and then,
and introduced a friend of his to me,
who, he told me, I might depend upon.
One day I observed an alteration in their
behaviour, and asked them, when at some
distance, if he meant to keep his word
with me; he replied, "by all means."
We were all on horseback, and I had my
rifle across my saddle. When we were
going to part, as I expected, he suddenly
seized my ritle, and the man who was
with him laid hold of my horse's bridle.
He presented his rifle to my breast and
told me I was his prisoner or a dead man.
I was under the necessity to surrender, and
they carried me again to my old quarters
at Ninety-Six, where we arrived on the
nth of October, 1778. I was stripped
entirely naked, thrown into irons and
chained to the floor, and remained in that
situation until the 20th of December
following, when I again made shift to get
my irons off, and having sawed one of the
grates some time before, I again escaped
by means of a fellow-prisoner, who sup-
plied me with some old clothes, of which
I made a rope to let me down. I re-
ceived a fall in getting down, but luckily
did not hurt mvself. The gaoler heard
me fall and presented a musket at me out
of a window, but I avoided him. He
alarmed the guard and they pursued me;
but, however, I got clear off. I found
myself much hurt by a fall I got in their
chasing me. I got back to Raebern's
Creek, but was taken in three days, and
again introduced at Ninety-Six. I was
chained and ironed as before, in the

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

i.3

centre of a room thirty feet square,
forty-five from the ground, the snow beat-
ing in through the roof, with four grates
open night and day. I remained in this
state eleven days. I got my chains off in
the night of the twelfth. The gaoler did
not chain me down again, but I had
still part of them remaining on one of my
legs, which weighed seven pounds and
three-quarters. I continued loose in gaol
until the 13th of February, 1779, when I
took a bar out of the window in the night,
and pried one of the planks out of the floor
of the room and thence went down stairs.
I found the door fast secured, but I went
to a breach I had formerly made in the
back of the chimney, and got out, and
one of my fellow-prisoners escaped with
me, and we kept together for some time
after. We found a number of horses
grazing in a field belonging to a company
of rebels, under the command of Capt.
Farr, who had that night come into town.
We mounted each of us one and rode
off to Raebern's Creek. On our way, we
stopped at a house, and furnished our-
selves with a rifle and a pair of pistols;
we also supplied ourselves with clothing.
By this time the neighbourhood was
alarmed, and the rebel militia sent in
pursuit of us. They laid several ambus-
cades, but without effect, and continued
embodied for six months. But, however,
I was so fortunate as to escape; but my
companion was taken. The day after he
was taken I was riding through a piece of
timbered woods, when I discovered a
party of men — they discovered me, and
pursued on full speed for seven miles, but
I was lucky enough to escape them, but
my horse falling, threw me, and I unfor-
tunately lost my rifle. An advertisement
was then made public for apprehending
me, and a reward of seventy silver dollars
and 300 paper ones was offered as a
reward to take me. This made me very
cautious, notwithstanding which I was
betrayed and fired upon by a party of
rebels, in number sixteen; I received two
bullets in my back, one of which is not
extracted. I luckily kept my seat in the
saddle and rode off. After proceeding
about twelve miles I turned my horse
into the woods, and remained there eight

days, having no support but herbs, except
three eggs, my wounds at this time being
very troublesome and offensive for the
want of dressing. I got my horse again
and moved about twelve miles to a friend's
house, where on my arrival I made a
signal, which they knew, to acquaint them
of my being alive, and a young girl of
fourteen years old came to me; but when
she came near enough to see me she was
frightened so at the sight she ran off". I
pursued after her on horseback, telling
her w^ho I was. She said she knew it was
me, but I was dead; that I was then a
spirit. I was a long time before I could
get her to come to me, I looked so much
like a rack of nothing but skin and bones,
and mv wounds had never been dressed
and my clothes all bloody. ]My misery
and situation was beyond explanation, and
no friend in the world that I could depend
upon. However, these people seeing me
in that distressed situation, took the
greatest care of me, and dressed my
wounds. I then got assistance and sup-
port, and my wounds dressed and taken
good care of. My horse having been seen
by some of the rebel party, they concluded
I was not killed, and wrote several letters,
which they gave one of my friends, offer-
ing to treat with me, and advising me to
surrender, threatening at the same time,
in case I did not, to banish eight families
of mv friends out of South Carolina. A
limited time was given for my answer, but
it had expired before I received the letters;
in consequence of which their threats were
put in execution, and the people's proper-
ties were taken from them, and themselves
confined. On the receipt of my letters
the people were liberated, but their proper-
ties were still detained.

The second day after, I treated with the
Colonel of the rebel militia, and had an
express sent off to Gov. Rutledge at
Charlestown. About a week after his
answer came back with a conditional
pardon, that which I had done should
be forgotten, and that I should live quietly
and peaceably at home, and be obliged to
pilot parties through the woods as occa-
sion might require.

Before I accepted of these conditions
I advised with my friends and company,

THE NARRATIVE OF COL FANNING

who all approved of it, as it conduced
both to their ease and safety.

I remained at home a year and twelve
days, and was repeatedly urged to accept
of a company in the Continental service,
which I always refused.

After the reduction of Charlestowi.
one William Cunningham and I con-
cluded to embody a party of men, which
we eflected.

We determined to take Col. Williams
of the rebel militia prisoner, and then to
join Capt. Parish, who was to raise a
company and assist us. Col. Williams
got notice of it and pushed o£f, and though
we got sight of him he escaped us.

We now found ourselves growing
strong, and numbers flocking daily to us.
I then took the King's proclamations and
distributed them through the country for
upwards ' 'f a hundred miles.

Capt. Parish had the command of the
party and marched up to Ninety-Six,
which he took possession of without
firing a shot; where I found him again.
The day after, we marched about twelve
miles to Gen. Williamson's at Whitehall,
who commanded a fort with fourteen
swivels and two companies of provincial
troops. On our approach he met us
about three miles from the fort, attended
by several officers, requesting that he
might discharge the troops and have
protection for himself and them.

We granted him what he requested,
and took possession of the fort and their
arms which they piled up; after that they
marched out of the garrison.

Three days after that, Col. Pickins,
with 300 men, marched in and laid down
their arras.

General Robert Cunningham of the
Loval ^Militia now took the command,
and formed a camp.

We kept scouting parties through the
country and had many skirmishes, but
none of consequence.

After the British-American troops had
taken possession of Ninety-Six, I con-
tinued scouting on the Indian lines until
Col. Innis forwarded his march up to
Musgrove's Mill, on the Innoree River.
I then joi ed them w-ith a party of four-
teen me\

The morning following the pickets were
attacked by a party of rebels. Col. Innis
ordered us to advance and support them,
which we did, and followed them until
we arrived where the main body lay in
ambush, under the command of Col.
Williams. Col. Innis was unfortunately
wounded, with several other officers.

We engaged them for some time, and
then retreated about a mile and a quarter,
where we encamped, and in the night
marched off towards Ninety-Six, under
the command of Capt. DePeyster, and
the next murning I and my small party
returned back to the Indian lines. We
continued scouting on the lines for some
time, until I met with Capt. Parish of the
British-American South Carolina Regi-
ment, who gave me a list of several
soldiers that had permission to visit their
friends in the country. On the return
from Florida to Ninety-Six, I was desired
by him to go to give them notice to join
their regiments; and on this expedition I
fell in with Major Furgesson's party,
which was defeated five days afterwards.
The rebels after that began to be numer-
ous and troublesome; and little or no
regulation amongst us, I made the best of
my way to Deep River, North Carolina,
where I remained until the month of
February, 1781.

I was, during this time, discovering the
disposition of the people. Being informed
that Lord Cornwallis was marching that
way, I kept my intentions secret until I
received certain accounts. I then caused
this advertisement to be published, and
used all my influence to get all the Loyal-
ists to join me and defend ourselves when
occasion might require. A true copy
is here set forth:

ADVERTISEMENT
Any of his Majesty's loyal and faithful
subjects, able and willing to serve in the
Royal North Carolina Regiment commanded
by Col. Hamilton, are hereby requested to
repair to his encampment. The Bounty
allowed for each man is three Guineas; and
the terms of the engagement are that he shall
serve during the relDellion and within the
Provinces of North and South Carolina and
Virginia onlv; that during his service he
shall be entitled to clothing, pay, provisions,
and all the advantages of his Majesty's
Regular and Provincial Troops, and at the

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

end of the rebellion, when he becomes dis-
charged, of course, he is to receive as a reward
for his services during the war a free grant of
land agreeable to his Majesty's proclamation.

Of his pursuing Gen. Greene as far as
Hillsboro, this struck such a terror on the
rebels and was so pleasing to us, that we
immediately disarmed the disaffected,
and embodied about 300 men under the
command of Col. Pyles. He fell in with
a party of rebels (Col. Lee's dragoons),
and lost twenty men killed, besides the
wounded that died afterwards. At this
time I was with a small party at Deep
River, where I took two rebel officers
prisoners and several soldiers. I then
directed my march to the place where I
left Col. Pyles and came within a little
distance of the dragoons that had cut him
up, when I was informed of his misfor-
tune by some of his party that had fled;
we|the'n separated into small parties and
took to the woods for some time.

The day Lord Cornwallis defeated Gen.
Greene at Guildford, I was surprised by a
Captain Duck, with a company of rebels,
where I sustained the loss of all our horses,
and arms; we had one man killed on
each side.

The day following, myself and three
more of the company furnished ourselves
with arms, and pursued the rebels, who
we discovered had parted and gone to
their respective homes with their plunder.
We visited one of the houses and found
fourteen horses which had been taken
from the friends of the Government;
and discovering one of the said party in an
outhouse, I fired at him and wounded him
in the neck with buckshot, but he escaped.
We then mounted ourselves and turning
the other horses into the woods we re-
turned back to Deep River. We kept
concealed in the woods and collected
twenty-five men, having scouts out con-
tinually until we proceeded to Dixon's
Mills, Cane Creek, where Lord Cornwallis
was then encamped. On our arrival
there his Lordship met us, and asked me
several questions respecting the situation
of the country and disposition of the people.
I gave him all the information in my
power, and leaving the company with his
Lordship, I returned back to Deep River

in order to conduct more men to the pro-
tection of the British arms.

Two days following I returned to the
armv at Chatham Court House, after
being surprised and dispersed by the rebel
dragoons, on my bringing in seventy Loyal-
ists. I joined my company again and
went with his Lordship to Cross Creek,
and as we had lost most of our horses, we
determined to return to Deep River and
join his Lordship when on his way to
Hillsboro. General Greene followed
his Lordship as far as Little River, and
then returned to Ramsey's Mills on his
way to Camden; his men marched in
small parties and distressed the friends to
Government through the Deep River
settlement. I took eighteen of them at
different times, and paroled them, and
after that we were not distressed by them
for some little time. After a little while
some of us had assembled at a friend's
house, where we were surrounded by a
party of eleven rebels under the com-
mand of Capt. John Hinds. We per-
ceived their approach and prepared to re-
ceive them. \\Tien they had got quite near
us, we ran out of the doors of the house,
fired upon them, and killed one of them;
on which we took three of their horses
and some firelocks. We then took to the
woods and unfortunately had two of our
little company taken, one of which the
rebels shot in cold blood, and the other they
hanged on the spot where we had killed
the man a few days before. We were so
exasperated at this that we determined
to have satisfaction, and in a few days I
collected seventeen men, well armed, and
formed an ambuscade on Deep River at
Coxe's Mills, and sent out spies. In the
course of two hours one of my spies gave
me information of a party of rebels
plundering his house, which was about
three miles off. I instantly marched to
the place and discovered them in a field
near the house. I attacked them immedi-
ately, and kept up a smart fire for half an
hour, during which time we killed their
Captain and one private on the spot,
wounded three of them, and took two
prisoners besides eight of their horses,
well appointed, and several swords. This
happened on the nth May, 1781. The

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

same day, we pursued another party of
rebels and came up with them the morning
following; we attacked them smartly and
killed four of them on the spot, wounded
three dangerously and took one prisoner
with all their horses and appointments.
In about an hour after that, we took two
men of the same party, and killed one
more of them. The same evening we had
intelligence of another party of rebels,
which were assembling about thirty miles
off in order to attack us. As I thought
it best to surprise them where they were
collecting, I marched all night and about
ten o'clock next morning we came up
with them. We commenced a fire upon
each other which continued for about ten
minutes, when they retreated. We killed
two of them, wounded seven, and took
eighteen horses well appointed. We then
returned to Deep River again. I still
kept the company together and waited
for another opportunity, during which time
I took two rebel soldiers and paroled
them, who gave me information of a Col.
Dudley coming from Gen. Greene's camp
at Camden, with baggage.

I mounted my men and set forward in
search of them. I concealed my men by
the side of the road; and I thought the
time long according to information I had
from the soldiers. I took one man with
me, and went to see if I could make any
discover)'. I rode a mile and a half when
I saw Col. Dudley with his baggage. I
then wheeled my horse and returned to
my men. When I came within a hundred
yards of them, Dudley and his dragoons
were nose and tail, and snapped their
pistols several times. I then ordered a
march after them, and after marching
two and a half miles I discovered them,
and immediately took three prisoners,
with all the baggage and nine horses.
The baggage I divided among my men,
which according to Col. Dudley's report
was valued at £i,ooo sterling. I returned
to Coxe's Mill and remained there till the
8th June, when the rebels embodied i6o
men to attack me, under the command of
Cols. CoUyer and Balfour. I determined
to get the advantage of attacking them,
which I did with forty-nine men in the
night, after marching ten miles to their

encampment. They took one oi my
guides, which gave them notice of my
approach; I proceeded to within thirty
steps of them; but being unacquainted
with the ground advanced very cautiously.
The sentinel, however, discovered my
party, and firing upon us retreated in,
where they secured themselves under
cover of the houses, and fences. The
firing then began, and continued on both
sides for the space of four hours, being very
cloudy and dark, during which time I
had one man killed and si.x wounded,
and the guide, before mentioned, taken
prisoner, whom they killed next morning
in cold blood. What injur}' they suffered
I could not learn; as the morning appeared
we retreated, and returned again to Deep
River, leaving our wounded men at a
friend's house, privately.

The rebels then kept a constant scout-
ing, and their number was so great that
we had to lie still for some time; and
when Collier and Balfour left the settle-
ment, the said Col, Dudley, before men-
tioned, took the place with 300 men from
Virginia. He took a negro man from me
and sold him at public auction among
themselves for ;;^iio; the said negro was
sent over the mountains, and I never saw
him since. At length they all began to
scatter, and we to embody. V\'illiam
Elwood being jealous of my taking too
much command of the men, in my
absence, one day persuaded them that I
was going to make them regular soldiers,
and cause them to be attached to Col.
John Hamilton's Regiment, and vindicat-
ed it by an advertisement that I had
handed to several of the Loyalists that I
thought had the greatest influence with
the Loyalists. He so prevailed with the
common sort, that when I came to camp
I found most of my men gone; I then
declared I never would go on another
scout until there was a field officer. The
majority chose me; they then drew up a
petition to the commanding officer of the
King's troops.

A general meeting of the Loyalists was
now called, in order to appoint a com-
manding officer of the militia; it was still
determined that I should be the person. I
accordingly set off for Wilmington, 160

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

miles, with a petition of the people to the
officer commanding at that post for his
approbation. On my arrival there, Major
Craigg, who was commander, treated me
with every respect in his power, and ap-
proved of said petition and gave me a
commission as Colonel of the Randolph
and Chatham Militia — a copy of which
is hereunto annexed:

By James Henry Craigg, Esqr.; Major in his
Majesty's 82d Reg., commanding a de-
tachment of the King's Troops in North
Carolina, &c., &c.
To David Fanning, Esqr.

These are to appoint you to be Colonel of
the Loyal Militia in Randolph and Chatham
Counties, who are directed to obey you, as
such, in all lawful commands whatsoever,
and you are authorised to grant commissions
to the necessary persons of known attach-
ment to his Majesty's person and Govern-
ment, to act as Captains and subalterns to the
different companies of militia aforesaid. As
Colonel, you are hereby fully empowered to
assemble the militia, and lead them against
any parties of rebels or others the King's
enemies, as often as necessary — to compel all
persons whatsoever to join you, to seize and
disarm, and when necessary to detain in con-
finement all rebels or others, acting against
his Majesty's Gov't; and to do all other
acts becoming a King's officer and good
subject.

Given at Wilmington, this 5th July, 1781.

J. H. Craigg,
Major Commanding the King's Troops.

On the 1 2th July I returned from Wil-
mington and ordered a general muster,
and then gave the following commission
to the gentlemen hereinafter named, of
their respective companies:

By David Fanning, Esq.
Colonel of the Loyal Militia of No. Ca.
To Greeting

Having received sufficient testimony of
your loyalty and zeal for his Majesty's ser-
vice, and relying on your courage and good

conduct, I do hereby appoint you to be

of a company in the district of .

You are, therefore, diligently and carefully
to discharge the duty of such; obeying all
orders and directions which you may receive
from time to time from any superior officers
in his Majesty's service, and all others; the
inferior officers of his Majesty's subjects of
that and every other company are directed

and requested to obey you as of

said company.

Given under my hand at Coxe's Mill this

•^'^^' David Fanning,

Col. Com'g his Majesties Loyal Militia, &c.

The names of the Officers of Randolph
County, as they were commissioned in
their different companies:

1. John Rains, Capt., i6 July, pro-
moted Major 13 Oct., 1781.
William Rains, Lieut, (in N.C.), pro-
moted Capt. 13 Oct., 1781.
Thomas Donnelly, Ensign, died in
Charleston, Lieut. 13 Oct., 1781.
John Spinks, Ser.-Maj., promoted
Ensign.

2. Geo. Rains, Capt. In Charleston at
the peace.

Ebenezer Wollaston, Lieut. In
Charleston at the peace.
Robt. Rains, Ensign. In N.C.

3. Wm. Fincannon, Capt., 2nd Aug.,
1781. In N.C. now.

Richard Bird, Lieut., 2nd August,
1781. In N.C. now.
Cornelius Latham, Ensign, 2nd Aug.,
1781. In N.C. now.

4. Michael Robens, Capt., last account
in N.C.

William Hillis, Lieut. Went to East
Florida at the peace.
Daniel Brown, Ensign. Killed in
N.C. by the rebels.

5. Robert Turner, Capt. Last ac-
counts in N.C.

Absolem Autrey, Lieut. In East

Florida.

Wm. King, Ensign. Joined the

rebels.

6. Stephen Walker, Capt., 17 Sept.,
1 781; shot, caught wounded, and
murdered.

Frederick Smith, Lieut. Hanged at
Hillsboro for his loyalty.
Wm. Hunsucker, Ensign. Hanged
at Hillsboro for his loyalty.

7. Jos. Currie, Capt. In Florida at the
peace.

Benj. Shields, Lieut. In N.C.
Jas. Rains, Ensign. In S.C.

The names of the Officers of the different
Companies in Chatham County:

8. Thomas Dark, Capt., 16 July, 1781.
Hanged at Hillsboro for kis loyalty.
Wm. Hoocker, Lieut. Murdered by
the rebels, after promoted Capt.
Henry Ramsour, Ensign. In Char-
leston, S.C, at the peace.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL FANNING

9. Wm. Lindley, Capt. Murdered by
the rebels after evacuation.

Wm. Piles, Lieut. Went to Penns.
Wm. McPherson, Ensign. In Char-
leston at the evacuation.

10. Samuel Dark, Capt. At last ac-
count in N.C.

James Ellett, Lieut. Drowned in
East Florida.

Thos. Ellett, Lieut., ist Sept., 1781.
In East Florida.

11. Benj. Underwood, Capt. Late in
New Brunswick.

Fred. Smith, Lieut. In N.C.
Adam Smith, Ensign. In N.C.

12. Wm. Deaton, Capt. Killed in
battle on the day after the rebel Gov.
Burke was taken.

Wm. Carr, Lieut. Promoted Capt.
In New Passadena, West Indies.
John Ervin, Ensign. In Florida.

13. jNIartin Kendrick, Capt. In N.C.
Thos. McDowell. Now (17S9) rebel
Capt.

Wm. Brown. Joined the rebels.
Names of Officers in Orange County:

14. Richard Edwards, Capt., i6th July,
17S1. Killed in battle.

Edward Edwards, Lieut. Promoted

Capt. Killed 13th Sept.

Thos. Estrich, Ensign. Promoted

Capt.

15. Stephen Holloway, Capt. Killed
in battle.

John Hastings, Lieut. Now in N.C.
Ab'm Nelson, Ensign. Wounded,
and now in N.C.

The names of the Officers in the different
Companies in Cumberland County:

16. John Cagle, Capt. Hanged by the
rebels at P.D.

Jacob Mauness, Lieut. In N.C.
Wm. Dunn, Ensign. In N.C.

17. !Meriday Edwards, Capt., ist Sept.,
1781. In East Florida.

Reuben Shields, Lieut. In N.C.
Wm. Hancock, Ensign. In N.C.

18. Alex. iSIcIver, Capt., 2nd of Aug.,
1781. In N.C.

jSIurdock Martin, Lieut., 2nd of Aug.,
1 78 1. Went to England.

19. W^m. McLoud, Capt., 2nd of /Vug.,
1 78 1. Went to Europe.

Ale.x. McLoud, Lieut. Went to
Europe.
The names of the Officers in Anson County:

20. Wm. Price, Capt. Killed by the
rebels.

Wm. Fanning, Lieut. Hanged by
the rebels.

21. W'm. McKnight, Capt., i6th July,
1781. Murdered by the rebels.
Stephen Phillips, Lieut. In S.C.

22. Abner Smally, Capt. In Burke
County, N.C.

Jas. Hodge, Lieut. Murdered by the
rebels

These gentlemen had their appoint-
ments from Major Ferguson in South
Carolina in July, 1780, but joined all
according to the dates opposite their
names.

On my return to Deep River I immedi-
ately caused a general muster of the
loyalists, which I collected to the amount
of 150 men, but finding them deficient in
arms I discharged all of them e.xcept fifty-
three, which I appointed fully; out of
which I collected from the v.-hole, and
ordered the rest to be ready to join me
when I called for them. I also gave the
foregoing commissions to the different
ofi&cers set forth, who rendered many ser-
vices to the British Government during
the late war, who signalised themselves
with me in the interior parts of that rebel-
lious country, and subdued the greatest
part of the province; so far that the worst
of rebels came to me, begging protec-
tion for themselves and property. The
exertions of myself and the other ofificers
had the whole country under the protec-
tion of the British Government until long
after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis
and the evacuation of Wilmington; and
after all the British troops were called to
their dift'erent posts on the seashore I
continued acting in the interior parts of
North Carolina, and was like to obtain a
truce with the rebels in the heart of the
countr}\ Those people have been in-
duced to brave every danger and difl&culty
during the late war rather than render
any service to the rebels, had their prop-
erties real and personal taken to support
their enemies, the fatherless and widows
stripped, and every manner of support

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

taken from them, their houses and lands
and all personal property taken, and no
resting place could be found for them. As
to placing them in their former posses-
sions, it is impossible — stripped of their
property, driven from their homes, de-
prived of their wives and children, robbed
of a free and mild government, betrayed
and deserted by their friends, what can
repay them for the misery? Dragging
out a wretched life of obscurity and want,
Heaven, only, which smooths the rugged
paths, can reconcile them to misfortune.
Numbers of them left their wives and
children in North Carolina, not being able
to send for them owing to the distresses,
and now in the West Indies and other
parts of the world for refuge, and not
returned to their families yet. Some of
them, that returned under the Act of
Oblivion passed in 1783, were taken to
Hillsboro and hanged for their past ser-
vices that they rendered the Government
whilst under my command. I am fully
sensible of the good designs that Govern-
ment intends for the loyalists in so repeat-
edly renewing the Act. If the inability
and distressed situation of those people,
who have suffered and experienced every-
thing but death to support British Gov-
ernment, cannot reap the fruits of their
labours, and now join under every species
of mortification, I can solemnly declare
that I think Major John Rains and Capt.
George Rains two of the most deserving
officers that ever acted in America during
the late war, either in the provincial or
militia; and to my certain knowledge
John Rains had two mills burnt, three
dwelling houses, and besides a barn and
property totally taken away. I have
given as direct account of the officers op-
posite their names as I possibly can; also
their promotions and deaths. What I
have set forth, I will forever vindicate.
Besides other officers of other counties
that joined me at different times and
places, as I shall refer to in other parts of
my journal, in particular Col. Arch.
McDougald and Samuel Andrews, who
joined me several times.

Given at King's County, New Bruns-
wick, Nov. 29th, 1789.

The rebels on the same day held a gen-

eral muster at Chatham Court House,
about twenty-five miles from where I had
assembled, and the day following were to
call a Court Martial for the trial of several
loyalists who had refused to bear arms in
opposition to Government. Upon receiv-
ing this intelligence I proceeded towards
the Court House, 17 miles, that night,
with the men I had armed, and the morn-
ing following, by seven o'clock, I arrived
there. I surrounded the place, where I
expected to find members of the Court
Martial, but they had dispersed the even-
ing before, and were to meet at 8 o'clock.
I then posted pickets on every road, and
within the space of two hours took fifty-
three prisoners— among them the Colonel,
Major, and all the militia officers of the
county, except two, who had not attended
and also one Continental Captain, with
three of the delegates of their General
Assembly. I immediately marched them
to Coxe's Mill, and paroled all except
fourteen, who I knew were violent against
the Government. Those I conducted to
Wilmington and delivered to Major
Craig. I then represented to Major
Craig that with his approbation I would
establish certain regulations for the con-
duct of the militia, which he approved of;
and he was obliging enough, on my giving
them to him, to correct and confirm the
following rules, which were printed and
distributed in the country:
RULES and REGULATIONS for the
well governing of the Loyal Militia of
the Province of North Carolina:
ist. No person to be admitted a militia
man until he takes the oath of allegiance
to His Majesty, which is always to be done
before the senior oflQcer of the Regiment
on the spot.

2nd. AH persons once enrolled in a
militia company, and having taken the
oath above mentioned, will be considered
as entitled to every privilege and protec-
tion of a British subject; and will, on
being detected joining the rebels, be treat-
ed as a deserter and traitor.

3rd. Every militia man is to repair,
without fail or excuse, except sickness, at
the time appointed, to the place assigned
by his Colonel or Captain with his arms
and accoutrements, and is not to quit his

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

company on any pretence whatever, with-
out the knowledge and permission of his
Captain or Commanding Officer.

4th. The Colonel of every county has
full power to call his Regiment together,
and march them when necessary for his
Majesty's service; the Captain of each
company has also power to assemble his
company when any sudden emergency
renders it necessary, and which he is to
report as soon as possible to his Colonel.

5th. Mutual assistance is to be given
on all occasions, but as it is impossible to
give positive directions on this subject, it
is left to the discretion of the Colonels of
Regiments, who must be answerable that
their reasons for not affording assistance
when required, are sufficient.

6th. \\'hen the militia of different coun-
ties are embodied, the senior officer is to
command; Colonels of Regiments are
immediately to determine the present rank
of their Captains, in which regard is to
be had to seniority of commission or ser-
vice. In cases of vacancies the Colonels
may grant temporary commissions, till
recourse can be had to the Commanding
Officer of the King's troops.

7th. The men are to understand, that
in what relates to the service they are
bound to obey all officers, though not im-
mediately belonging to their own com-
panies.

8th. Courts Martial may sit by the ap-
pointment of the Colonel or Commanding
Officer; and must consist for the trial of
an officer, of all the officers of the Regi-
ment he belongs to, except the Colonel or
Commanding Officer; and for the trial of
a non-commissioned Officer or Private,
of two Captains, two Subalterns and three
Privates — the latter to belong to the same
company as the person to be tried; the
eldest Captain to preside; and the sent-
ence of the Court to be determined by
plurality of votes, and approved by the
Commanding Officer.

Oth. No Colonel is to supersede an
officer without trial; but he may suspend
him till he can be tried.

loth. Quitting camp without permis-
sion, disobedience of orders, neglect of
duty, plundering, and all irregularities
and disorder to be punished at the discre-

tion of a Court Martial constituted as
above mentioned; and by the approba-
tion of the Colonel or Commanding Offi-
cer, who has power to pardon or remit any
part of a punishment, but not to increase
or alter it.

nth. Every man must take the greatest
care of his arms and ammunition; and
have them always ready for service.

1 2th. When the militia is not embodied
they are at all times to be attentive to the
motions of the rebels; and immediately
to acquaint the nearest officer of anything
he may discover, who is to communicate
it to his Colonel or other officers, as may
be requisite.

13th. It is the duty of every person
professing allegiance to His Majesty to
communicate to the Commanding Officer
of the nearest British post any intelligence
he can procure of the assembling or mov-
ing of any bodies of rebels. Persons em-
ployed on this occasion shall always be
paid.

14th. Colonels of Regiments may as-
semble any number of their men they
think necessary, to be posted in particular
spots of their districts — their time of
service on these occasions is to be limited
and they are at the expiration of it to be
relieved by others. Great care is to be
taken that no partiality is shown, but that
each take an equal proportion of duty;
for which purpose alphabetical rolls are
to be kept, by which the men are to be
warned. Every Captain is to keep an
account of the number of days each man
of his company serves.

The strict observance of the above
regulations is strongly recommended as
the best means of giving to the King's
faithful subjects a manifest superiority
over the rebel militia; and to insure them
that success their zeal and spirit in the
cause of their country entitle them to
expect.

Head Quarters, Wilmingfon, 2^th Sept.,
178T.

I then thought prudent to administer
the following oath of allegiance unto those
people I was dubious of: "I — A B — do
swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty
God to bear true allegiance to our Sov

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

ereign Lord, King George the Third, and
to uphold the same. I do voluntarily
promise to serve as militia, under any
of the officers appointed over me; and
that I will, when lawfully warned by our
said officers, assemble at any place by
them directed in case of danger, in the
space of eight hours. I will go, with my
arms and accoutrements in good order,
to suppress any rebels or others, the King's
enemies; that I will not at any time do,
or cause to be done, anything prejudicial
to His Majesty's Government; or suffer
any intercourse or correspondence with
the enemies thereof; that I will make
known any plot or plots, anywise inimical
to His Majesty's forces or loyal subjects,
by me discovered, to His Majesty's officers
contiguous, and it shall not exceed six
hours before the same is discovered, if
health and distance permit. This I do
solemnly swear and promise to defend in
all cases whatsoever. So help me, God!''

I then returned to the head of Little
River, on my way to Coxe's Mill, where
I was met by two men who informed me
that the rebels had separated into two
small parties, thinking I should never
return from Wilmington. I passed on
and got intelligence of Col. Alstine lying
on the banks of Deep River with a party
of twenty-five men. We marched all that
day and night following, and just as the
day dawned we advanced in three divi-
sions up to a house they had thrown them-
selves into. On our approach we fired
upon the house, as I was determined to
make examples of them, for behaving in
ihe manner they had done to one of my
pilots, by name Kenneth Black. They
returned our fire, and the action continued
upwards of three hours, when after kill-
ing four of them and wounding all the
rest, except three, they sent out a flag to
surrender, Col. Alstine's lady begging
their lives; and on her solicitation I con-
cluded to grant her request. After the
capitulation I gave the folloAving paroles to
Col. Philip Alstine and his men:

"I do hereby acknowledge mvself a
prisoner of war upon my parole to His
Excellency Sir Henrv Clinton, and that I
am hereby engaged till I shall be ex-
changed, or othenvise released therefrom,

to proceed immediately to my plantation
on Dunham's Creek, Cumberland County
(or elsewhere), in North Carolina, there
to remain, or within five miles thereof —
and that I shall not in the meantime do,
or cause anything to be done, prejudicial
to the success of His Majesty's arms;
nor have intercourse or hold correspond-
ence with the enemies of His Majesty, and
that upon a summons from His Excel-
lency, or other persons having authority
thereto, I will surrender myself up to him
or them, at such time and place as shall
hereafter be required.

Philip Alstine,
Cumberland County, Colonel.

Deep River, Jidy 2gth, 1781.
Witness: David Fanning, Colonel Com-
manding Loyal Militia."

In the course of this aSair we had two
men killed and four wounded, who after-
wards recovered. A party of rebels ap-
peared in sight a little time after the firing
began, but they did not approach to afford
Col. Alstine any support. When the ac-
tion was over they ran off, and our horses
being quite fatigued, rendered it impos-
sible for me to pursue them, and I then
pursued my route to Coxe's Mill, where,
on my arrival, I gave twelve hours' leave
to the men (after detaining a sufficient
number for the necessary guard) to go
to their respective homes. Immediately
after that I heard that a waggon loaded
with salt for the use of the rebel army had
passed about twelve hours before. I took
eight men with me, and after a chase of
sixteen miles I overtook it and conducted
it back to Coxe's Mill. On my return I
found that Major Rains had been at-
tacked by a party of 150 rebels, who had
attempted to secure the fort of Deep
River, at Coxe's Mill; however, it was
without success. He had one man
wounded and several horses in the attack,
and on my approach they retreated.
They then sent a flag with offers of peace.
I returned for answer, "I was determined
to make peace with the sword — or other-
wise they should become subjects of
Great Britain." My men now being col-
lected to the amount of 140, who by this
time were well armed, and hearing noth-

THE NARUAITVE OF CUL. FANNING

ing further from them the next morning,
we marched to the place where I had been
informed they were, but found them gone
off. I discovered some of their scouts,
but on firing on them they took to the
woods. I heard that they had marched
and joined another party of 250 men,
commanded by Cols. Paisley and Balfour,
upon which I returned to Coxe's Mill; I
sent out spies that night, who returned
before morning and informed me that the
two rebel parties had joined, being about
400 in number, and encamped at Brown's
plantation, about two miles up the river
on the opposite side. I dispatched a flag
to them, acquainting them, as before, of
my determination in support of Govern-
ment, and proposed a meeting of both
parties to determine the matter by force
of arms; at the same time acquainting
them that the ill-treatment of some prisoners
they had taken a little time before had de-
termined me to retaliate in case an end was
not put to it, should any in future have cause
to complain. I directed the f^ag to Major
Cage, who commanded at the time before,
and I received the following answer:

"Sir, — I received yours by a flag, and
can assure you that I should be as sorry
as any person living to misuse a prisoner;
but at the same time I think it is my duty
to oppose my enemies, and if any of your
men should fall into my hands I shall
endeavour to use what influence I can to
have them treated as prisoners; and I
hope you will do the same. I must also
inform you that I am not the command-
ing ofl5cer; if I was, I should immediately
return you an answer, and as your letter
was not directed to the commanding
officer, he will not undertake it without
you will direct to him. Col. O'Neal is
Commander at present.

I am yours, &c., &c.,

Wm. Cage.
Aug. 2nd, 1781.

To Col. David Fanning."

I also received a message from Col.
O'Neal that wherever they met mc they
would fight me, but not by an immediate
appointment. I directly ordered a march
and proceeded to the place where I was
informed by the bearer of the flag they
lay encamped; but on my arrival there.

they had marched oiT. From intelli-
gence I had procured, I had reason to
suppose they had gone to Salisbury to
be reinforced by General Rutherford.
I then concluded to go to Wilmington
for a supply of ammunition, finding my
stock began to grow low. I got to Cross
Creek on the nth of August; and early
in the morning following crossed Cape
Fear River, when Maj. Samuel Andrews
joined me with his company and scouted
through all the rebel settlements on the
north side of the river, and took a number
of prisoners, arms and horses. I also dis-
covered where twentv-five barrels of
salt were concealed, designed for the
rebel army. I destroyed it, and then
marched down the side of the river and
came to a plantation belonging to a
Capt. Robertson, which I burned. Thence
I marched to his brother's, Col. Rob-
ertson, which I served in the same man-
ner. On my march I took several pris-
oners, whom I paroled, except twenty;
those I delivered to Capt. Legett, then
commanding at Wilmington, where I
arrived on the 24th. Having got sup-
plied with ammunition, I proceeded up
the country on the 26th on my march to
Elizabethtown, where on my arrival I
found Col. Slingsbee, of the Loyal Militia,
of Bladen County, with a number of
paroled rebels in his camp. I dis-
approved of keeping them there, and
told him I thought it imprudent and
unsafe. The event proved so; for that
night, they having arms concealed, fired
upon his camp and wounded him mor-
tally. Five captains also were wounded,
some of whom died afterwards of their
wounds. The day following I arrived
at iMcFall's -Mills, about sixty miles,
where I dispatched ninety of my men
back to render assistance, on receiving
the unfortunate account of Col. Slings-
bee's misfortune; but it was too late, as
the rebels had taken to the woods and got
off.

I here had information that the rebel
Col. Wade with 450 militia was then
on his march to attack Col. McNeal,
who had assembled seventy of the Loyal
Militia of Bladen, and then lay on the
side of Drowning Creek. I instantly

" ADVERTISEMENT

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING 23

despatched an express to know his situa- to Col. SUngsbee's assistance. The day
tion, and offering assistance; in three following I arrived at Coxe's Mill, thirty
hours I received for answer he would be miles, where I issued the following ad-
glad to see me and my party. I marched vertisement, and circulated it through
direct, and by daylight arrived there the country:
with 155 men. Our pickets were fired
upon, and retreated into camp, having
exchanged several shots with those of "This is to let all persons know that
the rebels. We had information they do not make ready and repair immediate-
were crossing a bridge on Drowning ly to camp, that their property shall
Creek, about three miles off, when the be seized and caused to be sold at pub-
pickets fired on them, and retreated to lie sale; and if they are taken and brought
the camp, who informed me that 420 into camp, they shall be sent to Wil-
men crossed that bridge. I immediately mington as prisoners, and there remain
ordered all my men to arms, and count- as such in the provost and be consider-
ed them; which in number was 225, ed as rebels; also, if any rebel is willing
horse and foot. I then marched imme- to surrender and come in he shall reap
diately to attack them. When I formed the benefit of a subject,
my little party I left great vacancies in David Fanning,
order to appear as numerous as possible, Camp Coxe^s Mill ) Col. Com'g Loyal
and to prevent their turning my flanks. 6th Sept., 1781. f Militia."
We attacked them at 11 o'clock, and en- On the 9th of Sept., I was joined by
gaged them an hour and a half, when on Col. McDougald of the Loyal Militia of
my ordering a charge, they retreated. We Cumberland County, with 200 men;
pursued them seven miles, and took and Col. Hector McNeal*, with his party
fifty-four prisoners, four of whom died from Bladen of seventy men; and in
that night. On our return we found consequence of my advertisem.ent I had
nineteen dead, and the next day several also 435, who came in; and many joined
came in and surrendered, all of whom me afterwards.

were wounded, and we had reason to I had previously determined within

suppose that several died in the swamps, myself to take the rebel Governor Burke

by accounts we received from those who of North Carolina, and I had a conversa-

came in afterwards. Our loss was only tion with Maj. Craig on the subject,

five men wounded, one of whom died, I now thought it a favourable opportunity,

and five horses killed, beside a few as I found myself at the head of 950

wounded. We took 250 horses, most men of my own Regiment, exclusive of

of which were loaded with effects they McDougald and McNeal's regiments,

had plundered from the friends of Gov- I acquainted Maj. Rains of my resolu-

ernment; and as I had formerly ordered tion, who approved of it. The rebel

that whoever found concealed goods of General John Butler, and Col. Robert

any kind should hold them, I also now Maybin, of the Continental line, lay

ordered that every man should keep that within forty miles of our encampment

he had taken that day, after mounting on the Cape Fear River, with 400 Con-

and equipping those fifty who were not tinental soldiers and Butler's militia,

mounted in the action. I then paroled It was supposed by my officers that I

the prisoners, except thirty of them, whom intended to attack them. After march-

I sent to Wilmington under a guard of ing sixteen miles to Rocky River, I went

Col. McNeal's men. Then, with my a little distance out of my road to a

party, I marched that evening to little friend's house, for intelligence of the

River, sixteen miles from McFall's Mill, situation of the rebels; during which

where the party returned who had gone time the guide led my little army about

* It is evident that there were two Colonels of this name, one on each side. A third, CaDtain Daniel
McNeill, of North Carolina, was the maternal grandfather of the late able phvsician and public man of Nova
Scotia, Hon. D. McNeill Parker, M.L.C. No doubt the latter is the correct spelling.

£4.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

two miles out of the way, towards Gen-
eral Butler. On my return above to them
I was under the above necessity of making
my intentions known; and immediately
directed my march for Hillsboro. I
pushed on all that day and the following
night; at seven o'clock on the morning
of the 1 2th we entered the town in three
divisions, and received several shots
from different houses. However, we
lost none and suffered no damage, ex-
cept one man wounded. We killed
fifteen of the rebels, wounded twenty,
and took upwards of two hundred pris-
oners; amongst whom were the Governor,
his Council, and part of the Continental
Colonels, several captains and subal-
terns, and seventy-one Continental sol-
diers out of a church. We proceeded
to the gaol and released thirty loyalists
and British soldiers, one oj which was to
have been hanged that day. About 12
o'clock I left Hillsboro, and proceeded
eighteen miles that night towards Coxe's
Mill; in the morning I pursued my march
about eight miles further, to Lindsey's
Mill on Cane Creek, where General
Butler and a party of rebels had con-
cealed themselves. Col. McNcal, who
had the advance guard, had neglected
to take the necessary precautions for our
safety; and by information of Capt.
McLean, Cumberland County, Little
River, as soon as I had discovered the
situation we were in, and having so great
a number of prisoners, I left my station
and pushed for the advanced guard; on
my coming up with Col. McNeal, I in-
quired the reason of his neglect, and be-
fore he could answer we were fired upon
by the rebels. They killed eight men,
among whom was Col. McNeal, who
received three balls through him, and
five through his horse. I then ordered
a retreat back to where I left the prisoners,
and after securing them, I made the
necessary preparations to attack the
enemv. vhich we did; and after engag-
ing them four hours, they retreated. I
lost twenty-seven men killed, and sixty
so badly wounded that they could not be
moved, besides thirty slightly, but so
that they could keep up with our main
body. At the conclusion of this action

I received a shot in my left arm, which
broke the bone in several pieces, and
the loss of blood was so great that I was
taken ofif my horse and led to a secret
place in the woods. I then sent Lieut.
Wolcston to my little army for Col. Arch.
McDougald and Major John Rains and
Lieut. -Col. Arch. McKay to take com-
mand; to send an express to Wilmington
for assistance, as I was not able to take
any command. I also desired that
Major Rains should return as soon as
he could leave Col. McDougald, as I
thought he might be the means of sav-
ing me from the hand of my enemies.
These gentlemen conducted themselves
in such a manner that I think they de-
serve the applause of every loyal subject
both for their valour and good conduct,
as Col. Maybin and General Butler
pursued them all the way until they
met Major Craig coming to their assist-
ance. They made their march good
for 160 miles, and never lost one prisoner,
but introduced Thos. Burke, their Gov-
ernor, and his regiment of rebels to
Major Craig, who very well accepted
them; and Major Craig introduced His
Excellency and regiment to the Provost
Master. I am informed by letters from
Col. Arch. McDougald, dated 6th Aug.,
lySq, that no provision has been made
for him yet. Also Major Rains the 2nd
of October, 1789. But I am in hopes
when the Government comes to be in-
formed of the many services that they
have done, they will consider them, and
make some allowance for them. I am
personally acquainted with their ser-
vices. Major John Rains was the first
man that ever took up arms with me in
North Carolina, and the last man with
me in that country, and took an active
part in command in six and thirty skir-
mishes in N.C., (also Capt. George
Rains).

At the departure of ? y little army I
was left with three men; (nd in four days
seventeen more came ' my assistance.
I made enquiry respecting the loss of the
rebels in the late action, and found that
the inhabitants had buried twenty-four
and that the wounded they had left be-
hind were ninety, besides those that went

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNLNG

off, and that my party had taken ten
prisoners. Of the number of the killed
was Col. GuttrcU and Major Knowles,
who were inveterate enemies to the
loyalists.

The party we had engaged I found
to have consisted of 400 Continentals
under the command of Col. Maybin
and General Butler's militia. In twenty-
four days I found myself able to sit up,
and then dispatched four of my captains,
Hooker, Rains, Knight, and Lindly, to
Wilmington for a supply of ammunition;
and before their return I had sent out
and embodied 140 men, during which
time I heard of a quantity of leather
which was preparing for the use of the
rebel army, and v/as ordered for General
Green's quarters at Camden. I went
to the place, and finding the leather
agreeable to my information, I took
enough thereof to equip the company
completely, and ordered the rest to be
destroyed. On my return to Brush Creek,
near where I had been secreted during
my illness occasioned by my wounds, I
sent out spies for discovery. Two of
them returned in less than an hour with
information of six hundred rebels who
were advancing to attack me, but they
proved no more than 170. The.se ac-
counts disheartened a number of my
men. From my being in so weak a
state, they apprehended I would not be
able to command them. However, they
lifted me on my horse, and I formed my
men then in two ranks and showed two
fronts, as they appeared both in my
front and rear. The fire continued for
near an hour. I lost three m.en killed,
and three badly wounded. The rebels
had one killed and several wounded.
Then they retreated, and rallied and
attacked again, after retreating about a
mile, which was so unexpected that I
concluded they had been reinforced. I
then retreated, but without loss, except
my baggage, which they made a prize of.
I then separated my men into small
parties, until the arrival of the four
of^cers I had dispatched for ammunition
to Wilmington, who brought the follow-
ing letter from Major Craig, v/ith 5,000
cartridges:

Wilmington, 13th Oct., 1871.
"Dear Sir:

Your letter gave me infinite satisfac-
tion from the favourable accounts it
contained (A your health, and the prob-
ability of your soon being restored to
that service in which you have done so
much to your honour. I beg you to
accept for yourself, and convey to those
of your officers whom I have not yet
seen, my warmest thanks for their gal-
lantry and good behaviour. I enclose
you the commission you desired for
Major Rains, who I am persuaded will
endeavour to answer your warm recom-
mendations. I have been unfortunate
enough to lose the list of medicines you
sent for; however, I will desire the sur-
geon to send you such as he thinks most
likely to be serviceable to you; though
from his not being acquainted with your
case, is all by guess. I am mv;ch con-
cerned to find the probabilities of so
many of your people suffering from want
of attendance or necessaries. Nothing
shall be wanting in my power either in
that respect or that of salt for their re-
lief. I am not at liberty to explain my-
self in a letter, but I hope I shall very
soon have it in my power to assist you
with greater care than at present. The
moment I returned here, and was in-
formed of the circumstances of the stal-
lion you mention, I determined it in
your favour, and took him arvay from
Mr. Campbell, or rather from a gentle-
man v/hom he had sold him to. He has
been with my horses ever since, and
never rode. I now send him to you by
Capt. Liveley.

The long northerly winds has pre-
vented any arrivals from Charleston, so
that we are totally without nev.-s.

I wish I had got Mr. Burke's papers.
I am, with much regard,

Your most ob't faithful servant,

J. H. Craig."
The following is a copy of the letter
I received of Colonel Edmond Fanning,
of King's Americans:

(Blank in the manuscript)
The names of the Officers of Cumberland
County who acted under Col. McDou-
gald, as they was commissioned in their

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

different companies, who were with me
at the taking of HiUshoro:
Archibald McDougald, Col.
Archibald McKay, Lieut. -Col.

{Another blank)

The names of theOfficers of Bladen Counts
who acted under Lt.-Col. Hector MC
Neal:

Hector McNeal, Lt.-Col.
John Watson, Major.

{Another blank)

The names of the Gentlemen Officers who
came as Volunteers from Wilmington
for recreation and to explore the country,
and was at the taking of Hillsboro
with tne:
Alexander McCraw, Capt. of Gov.

Martin's Regt.
Daniel McDonald, Lieut, of Gov.

Martin's Regt.
Malcolm McKay, Ensign of Gov.

Martin's Regt.
John McKenzie, Capt.
Hector McNeal.
Charles Campbell.
James Dawson.

Sometime after the receipt of the
foregoing letter from Col. Edmond
Fanning, I intercepted an express from
Virginia bound for Gen. Greene's camp,
which was at that time near the lines
not far from Charleston; amongst which
was Lord Cornwallis's capitulation, which
I have since lost. We continued in small
parties until Major Craig evacuated
Wilmington, when one day I took a man
with me to go for intelligence and to
provide oats for the party I kept with
me. WTien at a house I spied a party
of thirty rebels coming towards said
house where I was. We instantly mount-
ed and rode off. On my return to my
men, I ordered sixteen of them to mount,
and went back to the house we had left,
but found them gone off. I pursued
them about sixteen miles, when we came
up with them. We killed three of them
and wounded two, whom I took prison-
ers. I had no loss or accident on our
part.

I had now certain intelligence of Major

Craig's evacuating Wilmington; and that
the rebels in consequence of it had
separated into small parties, and were
returning toward their homes, and for
the space of fourteen or fifteen days I
fell in with and took more or less of
them every day, during which time I had
information of a Capt. Kennedy and his
party, who had taken a number of
horses and a quantity of household fur-
niture. I followed him about five miles,
and after a smart firing, took him and
eight of his party, with the booty they
had plundered. He gave intelligence
that a Capt. Lopp with a party of sixty
men who had been discharged by Gen.
Rutherford were on their way home up
the country. The said Capt. Kennedy
(Cannady) all the time of our attacking
Lopp stood and looked on; and as he
declared that he would not make his
escape, neither would he let any of his
men, if we beat and drove off Capt. Lopp.
I left him in a house with only two men
to guard eleven, and found them all
there. The guard informed me that he
would not let any of his party make
their escape. He proved so much to
his honour that I gave him up one of
his horses, saddle and bridle; and par-
oled him with all his men. I at this
time had but thirteen men with me at a
house near the road not far from where
they were to pass. I mounted my men,
and placed them in concealment along
the road. On their coming up, I or-
dered them to fire and then to charge,
which we did, three times, through them;
they immediately dispersed through the
woods; it being nearly dark, we could
not tell what injury they suffered.

On the loth of December Col. Isaacs
came down from the mountains with a
party of three hundred men, and formed
his camp at Coxe's Mill, in the settle-
ment I had formerly ranged in, in order
to take me; where he continued nearly
three months, during which time the
following proclamation was issued:

"State of North Carolina.
Bv the Hon. Alexander Martin, Esq.,
'Speaker of the Senate, Captain Gener-
al, Governor and Commander-in-Chief
in and over the said State.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

Whereas divers of citizens of this State
have been deluded by the wicked arti-
fices of our enemies, and have revolted
and withdrawn themselves from the
faith and allegiance which, before God,
they plighted to owe their country, and
treacherously have taken up arms against
the same; being convinced that they
have been betrayed by false hopes, sup-
ported by deceit, and now find them-
selves deserted by our feeble and de-
spairing enemy, and left unprotected to
the vengeance of the State, to inflict
those punishments due to their crimes,
in tender compassion to the feelings of
humanity to spare such who are willing
to return, and to stay the hand of execu-
tion in the unnecessary effusion of the
blood of citizens who may be reclaimed,
I have thought fit to issue this my proc-
lamation of pardon of such of the above
persons who may surrender themselves
before the loth day of INIarch next, on
this express condition, that they imme-
diately enlist in the Continental bat-
talions, and there render a personal
service for twelve months after the time
of their rendezvous at headquarters,
and having faithfully performed the
same for the said term, it shall be deemed
as having expiated their offences, and be
entitled to, and be restored to the privi-
leges of citizens. All officers finding men
of this class guilty of murder, robbery,
and housebreaking, to be precluded
from the above notwithstanding; and I
do hereby require the Honourable the
Judges of the Superior Courts of law,
of oyer and terminer, and general jail
delivery, and all officers, civil and mili-
tary, within the State to take notice of
this my proclamation, and govern them-
selves accordingly. Given under my
hand and seal at arms at Halifax this
25th of December, 1781, and in the sixth
year of our Independence.

Alexander Martin.
Bv his Excellency's command,

John Hawkins, D. Sec'y.
"God save the State."

During Col. Isaac's stay at Coxe's
Mill he ravaged the whole settlement,
and burnt and destroved a number of

houses belonging to the friends of Gov-
ernment. They frequently applied to
me privately for advice. I recommended
it to them, if possible, to remain neutral,
and make their peace; as it was entirely
out of my power to protect or relieve
them. A Capt. Stinson of this party
took one of my men named David Jack-
son, a7id hung him up "without ceremony.
A few days before Col. Isaac's departure
from Coxe's Mills, he sent out notice
for the friends of Government to meet
him, and he would give them protection
agreeable to proclamation; but on their
assembling, he made them prisoners of
war, and marched them under a strong
guard to Salisbury gaol. Not many
days after, they broke out and knocking
down the sentinels, made their escape
except one, who was shot in the attempt.
Two Captains in each county were
appointed by Col. Isaacs, on his leaving
Coxe's Mill, to keep the friends of Gov-
ernment down; and were going with
their own men continually through the
country.

During all this time I was in the woods,
and kept moving with a small party as
occasion required. One evening I had
assembled thirty men at a friend's house,
and sent out spies; they soon returned
with accounts of a party of rebels within
four miles of us, distressing and plun-
dering our friends. We immediatelv set
forward to render our assistance, and got
within half a mile of them. I then sent
out to get information how they were
situated, and receiving intelligence by
break of day came upon them. We re-
took seven horses, which they had car-
ried off, with a large quantity of bag-
gage. W'e wounded two of them mor-
tally and several slightly; we came off
without injury, except two horses wound-
ed. The day following we pursued them
to Cumberland county, and on my way
I burnt Capt. Coxe's house, and his
father's. I had also two skirmishes and
killed two of the rebel party. On my
return to little River I heard of a Capt.
Golson who had been distressing the
loyalists, and went in search of him my-
self, but unfortunately I did not meet
him, but fell in with one of his men, who

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

had been very assiduous in assisting the
rebels. I killed him. I mounted a man
of my own on his horse and returned
back. I then took Capt. Currie and the
man of my own before mentioned, and
went with a design of burning Capt.
Golson's house, which I did; and also
two others. In my way I fell in with a
man who had been very anxious to have
some of my tnen executed. I sent him
word to moderate and he should have
nothing to fear, but if he persisted, I
would certainly kill him. He took no
notice of this, but persisted for several
months, and on ob5er\'ing me that day,
he attempted to escape; but I shot him.

Two days after Capt. Walker joined
me, which made four of us, and hearing
that one Thompson, a rebel magistrate,
had taken up a horse belonging to one
of my men, I went to claim him; he gave
him up without hesitation, and upon
examining what arms he had, he owned
to one rifle, which I took from him; he
also informed me that the rebels were
willing to make peace with me on my
own terms, and would allow me any
limited bounds I would require, pro-
vided I would not be troublesome to
them. I therefore concluded after con-
sulting Capt. Walker and Currie, to
demand the following terms, which I
forwarded by a prisoner I had taken;
and in order to convince them that my
intentions were sincere, I released him
for that purpose, though he had been the
means of murdering several.

Terms required by Col. David Fan-
ning from Gov. Burke, forwarded to
him by La\A-)'er Williams and Capt.
Ramsay, of ist battalion of North Caro-
lina Continentals:

1. That every friend of the Govern-
ment shall be allowed to return to their
respective homes unmolested.

2. That they shall be under no re-
strictions of doing, or causing to be done,
any thing prejudicial to his Majesty's
sen'ice.

3. That they shall not be under any
obligation to act in any public station,
or ever to take up arms, or be com-
pelled to do anything injurious to his
Majesty's good government.

4. That they shall not pay, or cause to
be paid, any taxes or money so levied by
your laws during the continuance of the
present war, to support your army by
their industry. If these terms are grant-
ed, I request that they may be imme-
diately conveyed to me at my quarters
by a flag of truce, appointed for that
purpose, and by such officers as I can
rely upon, from your hands and seals.

If these terms are not granted you
may depend upon my sword being con-
tinually unsheathed; as I am determined
I will not leave one of your old offenders
alive that has injured his Majesty's
Government, and friends who would
have been of service to your country in
a future day, and I do hereby recom-
mend it to you to govern yourselves
accordingly.

Jan. 7th, 1782. D.\\7D F.\NNING,

Colonel.
Joseph Currie,
Stephen \\'.\lker,
Captains.
To Mr. James Williams and Capt. Mat-
thew Ramsay.
To be forwarded by them to the Commander

in Chi^f for the time being, Hillsboro

district.

I received the following answer from
Lawver Williams:

Ch.atham, Jan. 8th, 1782.

Sir, — I received yours by Mr. Riggin
at the Court House on Sunday last, and
immediately wrote to Gen. Butler on
the subject of your surrender, as men-
tioned in yours. His answer is that he
cannot receive you himself but will di-
rectly write to the Governor, and as soon
as he receives his answer, he will transmit
it to Maj. Griffith, who will send it to
Winsor Pearce's on Deep River. If I
obtain liberty, I will bring it myself. In
the meantime I would recommend a
moderate conduct as the best step to
bring matters to an accommodation.
The bearer, Mr. Riggin, has executed
the trust you reposed in him; I therefore
hope you will restore to him his property.
For your civility to me when I was a
prisoner, I ivill do anything I can in
honour. Concerning your surrender.
Col. Ray and Col. McDougald have

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

surrendered and gone to Charleston.
I am informed by Col. Thackston I am
exchanged with a number of other pris-
oners at Charleston under a cartel
which is renewed. You may depend as
soon as I get the Governor's answer,
you shall know it.

I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
James Williams.

Col. D.AVID Fanning.

I also received another letter from
Capt. Ramsay by another conveyance:

Jan. 8th, 1782.

Sir, — I saw a letter to Mr. Williams
and observed what you say concerning
my case. As to breaking my parole,
that I am clear of; as Major Craig a few
days before he left Wilmington sent a
party of dragoons to where we were
paroled at the Sound and ordered us
under the main guard, whence I made
my escape; which I am certain you will
not blame me for, as you are well ac-
quainted with my honour; when I was
taken prisoner, I had it in my power to
escape many a time, but as long as I
was treated like a gentleman, or agree-
ably to the rules of war, I would rather
suffer death than forfeit my honour. I
observe what you say concerning your
parole; for the kind treatment I received
at your hands, yon may rely on it, any-
thing Mr. Williams or myself can do
for yon in honour shall not be wanting.
Your letter I understand is transmitted
to the Governor, who I make no doubt
will comply with your request. For
my part I wish for nothing else but peace.

I am. Sir, your humble servant,

Matthew Ramsay.

I lay neutral until I got further ac-
counts and on the 15th Jan., 1782,
Messrs. Williams, Clark, and Burns,
were kind enough to wait on me at Mr.
Winsor Pearce's with respect to my
former proposals which I had requested
of them, with the letter as follows:

iSth Jan., 1782.

Sir, — Agreeable to your request I
have received order to offer you a parole
on the terms you desired, thirty miles
east and west, fifteen miles north and
south. Hammond Co.xe's mill to be the
centre of your bounds. Should you incline

to go to Charleston at a future day, let
me know it, and I will endeavour to get you
that liberty when I see the Governor.
You mentioned being waylaid; you
may be assured that I know nothing of it.
Mr. Williams, Mr. Clark and John Burns
are the gentlemen that are kind enough to
wait upon you with this fiag, and a blank
parole for you to sign, and they will give
you a certificate for your security against
any of the American troops to remain as
prisoner of war in the bounds specified.
You may rely on it, nothing dishonourable
shall be done on my part; and I have the
greatest reason to believe that you will
act on the same principles. No inhabit-
ants of this county shall be molested,
either in person or property, who have
not been guilty of wilful murder, or plun-
dering; it is the duty of every honest man
to bring all such to justice in order to
restore harmony and peace once more to
our country.

I am your obedient humble servant,
M.-VTTHEw Ramsay.
To Col. David Fanning

per flag.
Also the following letter was left at Mr.
Pearce's by the three gentlemen before
mentioned :

Tuesday Morning.
Sir, — Agreeable to Capt. Ramsay's let-
ter left for you, we came up to Mr. Pearce's
when we made no doubt of seeing you. I
have seen his instructions to parole you,
and you may depend no trap is meant for
you, to any of our knowledge. Ray and
McDougald were received in the same
manner, and no man offered to molest
them. Our orders were to have returned
last night, and the Light Horse under the
command of Capt. Ramsay kept back
until our return; therefore we cannot
possibly stay any longer. If you incline
to accept the terms offered, which Capt.
Ramsay cannot alter, you will meet us at
Baalam Thompson's with as many of
your men as you please, such as can be
received according to the terms you pro-
pose, and are your obedient servants.

James Williams,
A. Clark,
Jno. Burns.
To Col. David Fanning.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

In the course of this correspondence
endeavouring to make peace, I had reason
to believe they did not intend to be as good
as their v.-ords; as three of their people
followed Capt. Linley of mine, who had
moved to Wittoguar, and cut him to
pieces with their swords. I was immedi-
ately informed of it, and kept a look-out
for them. Five days after their return, I
took two of them and hung them, by way
of retaliation, both on a limb of one tree,
they being deserters from the British (Col
Hamilton's Regiment); the third made his
escape. After this Col. Alstine, who was
a prisoner of war at this time, came to
me at Gen. Butler's request, to know if
I was willing to come to any terms. I
asked the reason why the Governor had
not answered my letter, and what was the
cause of their behaviour to Capt. Linley. I
then, with a number of my officers, sat
down and wrote the following letter to
General Butler:

"Sir, — On Friday, the 7th of January
last, I wrote to Mr. Williams the terms I
was willing to come under; he wrote for
answer that he could not comply v;ith my
terras until he had the approbation of the
Governor. On Wednesday, the nth
January, a dag was to meet me at Winsor
Pearce's with a letter. But on its ap-
proach it was waylaid by Capt. Golston
with a party of men, which had more the
appearance of treachery than a wish for
peace, had not the gentleman (Mr. Baalam
Thompson) acted as honourable; for the
minute he arrived he let me know it, and
declared himself innocent. This gave me
reason to think he would act with honour.
Still on t'ne 15th January, Messrs. Williams,
Clark, and Burns, the three gentlemen
that were kind enough to wait upon me,
with a blank parole, and letter from Capt.
Ramsay — who mentioned in his letter
that my request was granted by the Gov-
ernor; in the meantime, the gentlemen
waiting on me at the place appointed,
there came around a company from the
Hawnelds, commanded by Capt. Scorely,
which plainly and evidently appeared to
me there was nothing but treachery
meant." On Sunday, the loth of Febru-
ary, I fell in the rear of Capt. Colestons
and Capt. Hinds, and following their trail,

came on them at dark. After some firing
that night I rode off, and came on them
ne.xt morning, and we came upon terms
of peace till I could write to their
superior officer, for which I consulted
my officers, and we joined hand and
heart to comply with the terms here-
under written.

"We, the Subscribers, do acknowledge
ourselves subjects to his Britannic Majesty,
as you are well assured of our fidelity,
zeal, and loyalty to his Majesty's Govern-
ment, as it has been daily the case that
we have been destroying one another's
property to support and uphold our opin-
ions, and we are hereby willing to come to
a cession of arms, not under six months,
nor exceeding twelve; conditions under-
written.

I. Our request is from Cumberland,
twentv miles N. & S., and thirtv miles
E. & \V., to be totally clear of your Light
Horse.

2nd. Request is for every man that has
been in actual arms, in a permanent man-
ner, in order to establish a British Gov-
ernment (except those who have deserted
from a regular troop that has voluntarily
listed themselves), them we do obligate
to deliver up, and each and ever)' man that
are at liberty, shall have a right to with-
draw themselves in said district.

3rd. If any of our men should go out of
said district to plunder, or distress, or
murder any of the American party, we will,
by information made to me. Major Rains,
or any of the Captains, return their names
(if the request is granted) ; they shall im-
mediately be apprehended and sent by
any officer appointed by you to be tried by
your own laws.

4th. If any of your party shall be caught
plundering, stealing or murdering, or
going private paths with arms, signifying
as if they were for mischief, these are to
be left to our pleasure to deal with as we
see cause agreeable to our laws. All
public roads to be travelled by any person
or company unmolested if he behave
himself as becomes an honest man, or any
army or company or waggons keeping the
public roads.

5th. Every person that has been in ac-
tual arms in manner aforesaid, in order to

THE NAKRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

support or establish a British Govern-
ment, shall not be interrupted of their
arms, provisions, person or property. If
any one residing within the said district
who are subjects to the States that you
should want provisions or any other
article from, by sending to either of the
officers that I shall appoint for that pur-
pose or use, we will send a sufficient
guard to see them safe in and out un-
molested. Quakers excepted from any-
thing whatever.

6th. That I will not in the meantime
disturb or distress any person or persons
abiding by your laws in said district. All
back plundering shall be void, as it is im-
possible to replace or restore all the plun-
der on either side.

7th. Our request is to have free trade
with any post with waggons, or on horse-
back without arms; with a pass from any
appointed officer for salt or any other
necessaries and use, except the two Coxe's
mills, to be free from any incumbrance of
all armies belonging to the Americans.

8th. Any of my men that has been re-
turned a Continental without taking the
bounty, that has been in actual service as
above mentioned, shall return in said
district.

9th. If our request is granted as above
written I request it may be sent to me by
8th of March, as I may forward my
further determinations; if I cannot have
my request granted, I shall exact and
point out every feasible measure in
order to suppress every person in arms
against his Britannic Majesty. I am
your most obedient humble servant.

Given under my hand at arms as afore-
said.

David Fanning, Col. Com. Loyal Militia.
John Rains, Major Loyal Militia.
William Rains, Captain.
John Cagle, Captain.
Wm. Price, Captain.
Abner Smally, Captain.
Jacob Mannies, Lieutenant.

To John Butler, Gen'l of Hillsboro District

Pr favour of Col. Philip Alstine.
A copy of a letter received from Gen.

Butler:

Mount Pleasant, 5th March, 1782.

Dear Sir:

Your letter of 26th of last month was
handed to me last night. I have observed
the contents. Had you proposed that
you and the men now in actual service
with you would have taken a parole to
some certain bounds, until you could have
been sent to Charleston to be exchanged,
I should have entered on that business.
But as your propositions are many, and
some of them uncustomary in like cases,
I conceive it out of my power. However,
his Excellency Governor Burke is now at
Halifax, and I will send him your letter
with the proposals to him by express.
This is now the 5th day of March; of
course, it must be several days after the
8th before his answer can come to hand;
in the meantime it may be as well to post-
pone the desperate measures you have in
contemplation.

I am your obedient servant,

John Butler, B.G. for

Hillsboro District.

P.S. — If you would not choose to be
confined to bounds any length of time, it
might be contrived so that you might be
sent oS immediately under an escort of
my appointing to General Greene. He
has promised me to have all such ex-
changed which I send to his quarters.
John Butler, B.G.

About the 7th of March, 1782, Capt.
Walker and Currie of the Loyal Militia
fell in v/ith a party of rebels and came to
an engagement, and fired for some time,
till the rebels had fired all their ammuni-
tion, and then wished to come to terms of
peace between each party; and no plun-
dering, killing or murdering should be
committed by either party or side, which
was to be concluded upon by each Colonel
for such certain limited bounds which
were to be agreed upon by each Colonel;
and if they could not agree, each party
was to lie neutral until matters were made
known respecting the terms which they
wished to agree upon; soon after which
my men came to me and informed what
they had done; we received the rebel Col.
Balfour's answer, that "there was no
resting place for a Tory's foot upon the
earth." He also immediately sent out
his party, and on the loth I saw the same

THE NARRATIVE OP COL. FANNING

company coming to a certain house where
we were fiddling and dancing. We im-
mediately prepared ourselves in readiness
to receive them, their number being
twenty-seven and our number only seven;
we immediately mounted our horses, and
went some little distance from the house
ajid commenced a fire, for some consider-
able time; night coming on they retreated,
and left the ground.

On the 1 2th of March my men being all
properly equipped, assembled together in
order to give them a small scourge, which
we set out for. On Balfour's plantation,
where we came upon him, he endeavoured
to make his escape; but we soon pre-
vented him, having fired at him and
wounded him. The first ball he received
was through one of his arms, and ranged
through his body; the other through his
neck; v/hich put an end to his commit-
ting any more ill deeds.

We also woundedfanother of his men.
We then proceeded to their Colonel's
(Collier), belonging to said county of
Randolph; on our way we burnt several
rebel houses and caught several prisoners,
the night coming on and the distance to
said Collier's was so far, that it was late
before we got there. He made his escape,
having received three balls through his
shirt, but I took care to destroy the whole
of his plantation. I then pursued our
route, and came to one Capt. John Bryan's,
another rebel ofl5cer. I told him if he
would come out of the house, I would give
him a parole, which he refused, saying
that he had taken a parole from Lord
Cornwallis, swearing by God, he had
broken that and that he would also break
our Tory parole. With that I immedi-
ately ordered the house to be set on fire,
which was instantly done, and as soon as
he saw the flames of the fire increasing,
he called out to me, and desired me to
spare his house for his wife's and chil-
dren's sake, and he would walk out with
his arms in his hands. I immediately
answered him, that if he walked out his
house should be saved for his wife and
children. He came out, and when he
came out he said, "Here, damn you, here
I am." With that he received two balls,
one through his head and one through his

body; he came out with his gun cocked,
and sword at the same time.

Next day I proceeded to one Major
Dugin's house, or plantation, and I de-
stroyed all his property, and all the rebel
officers' property in the settlement for the
distance of forty miles.

On our way I caught a commissary from
Salisbury who had some of my men
prisoners and almost perished them, and
wanted to hang some of them. I carried
him immediately to a certain tree, where
they had hung one of my men by the name
of Jackson, and delivered him up to some
of my men, whom he had treated ill when
prisoners; and they immediately hung
him. Afteer hanging fifteen minutes thy
cut him down. In the meantime there
was about 300 rebels who had embodied
themselves and came after us; on account
of the rainy weather our guns would not fire
on either side. We were obliged to retreat,
on account of their numbers being so much
superior. We had received no damage.

About the 8th of April, a certain
Capt. Williams came into the settle-
ment and sent an old woman to me, to
inform me that he had arrived from Gov-
ernor Burke that instant, and had come
in order to see me; by her description I
and my little party immediately met
him, and he informed me that he had
come to know if I was willing to come
upon those terms I had already pre-
sented; and requested to have from under
my own hand a true copy of them, and
that Governor Burke would do every-
thing in his power to have the same
agreed upon by his Council and Assem-
bly; for which purpose the said Wil-
liams was sent from the Governor. He
also told me that the Governor had said
that anything I should do, or cause to be
done, from the character he had heard
from the British at Charleston, that
he had not the least doubt they would
assent to any proceedings I should un-
dertake to do; he wished to make peace
with me; and also saying if I was taken
prisoner and killed, that 100 would cer-
tainly lose their lives for it, and he looked
upon it much better to come upon terms
of peace — that he heard in Charleston
that I was killed, which occasioned him

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING 33

to run away from Charleston; upon rupt any of the inhabitants of Chatham

which I gave him a copy of the articles until matters are further settled,

which I wished to comply to; with which Willi.\m Golston.

he ordered the Light Horse to depart to Sir, — I received your letter, which

their different stations till they had re- gives me great satisfaction to hear that

ceived orders from the Governor and you and some of the officers have come

Council. upon terms of peace, which is all I would

As I was obliged to lay neutral until crave; but I should be glad with one of

I received their answer, which was to the officers in company to meet you and

be upon terms of honour between both have some conversation together, and

sides, with which the different captains be upon honour, and if we can come

commanding the Light Horse wrote to upon terms agreeable to both, I should

me respecting the same; which appears immediately march my company home;

by the following letters: so I shall be at Mr. MuUins this evening

Sir, — I received a few lines this day at two o'clock; and if you can meet

from Capt. Edward Williams, inform- and converse across the river, or any

ing me that you and he had come down other place you \vill choose.

yesterday, and signified that you and I am, sir, your obedient

he are upon terms of compromising Thomas Dougan,

matters, on condition that I will stop the Captain of Light Horse.

County Light Horse from pursuing you. April 12th, 1782.

You may rest assured that it is my de- To Col- David Fanning.

sire to be at peace with all men. Capt. April 17th, 1782.

Riddle and his company are at the Court Sir, — I, as an officer in behalf of the

House. I have ordered him to stand State of North Carolina, have turned

there until further orders, and will send out in order to suppress any persons dis-

after Capt. Golston and desire him in turbing the peace of said State; but when

also. I shall set off this morning to the I arrived at Deep River, I understood

Assembly, and if it is in my power to that you and Capts. Williams and Dougan

do or cause anything to be done that were about to make a treaty of peace

shall cause peace and harmony over (which I approved of very well), and with-

the land, you may rest assured I will do drew my troop towards home. But to

my best, and second Capt. Williams, my surprise, on my way I understood

though he gave me no account of your that your men were robbing the peaceful

proposals; and am and inoffensive people of Cane Creek

With respect your humble servant, and Rocky River, which wicked conduct,

Roger Griffith, Major, and the great desire I had for the welfare

April 9th, 1782. of my country, induced me to stay a

little longer, and endeavour to stop such

To Col. David Fanning. robbery. I therefore wish to inform

Cajvip at Mr. Carr's, Apr. 10, 1782. you that I did not pretend with any view

Sir, — I received orders from ISIajor of making you any way dishonourable,
Griffith concerning some terms between but many persons not owing a true alleg-
him and you and shall withdraw my iance to the laws of this State are run-
men and Capt. Colston's as we are both ning at large and call you their officer,
together, and will not proceed any fur- As I hope you are a gentleman, and will
ther after apprehending you or yours, not protect any vagabond, I will thank
unless you come into our county doing you to let me know every particular of
mischief, until further orders. your treaty, or what bounds you have;
From your humble servant, and upon the honour of a gentleman I
Joseph Rosur. will not interrupt any person within

said bounds that is of good character

To Col. David Fanning. with you. I would recommend that

Hoping you nor yours will not inter- you order Joseph Currie and Blair to

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

return the widow Dixon's property,
which they robbed her of, and I will not
write to the Governor concerning it, as
you want peace. He would think very
little of your honour if he heard that
your men were robbing his people after
you had petitioned to him.

I am, sir, in behalf of the State,

Edw.vrd Guin, Captain.
To Col. David Fanniug.

About the i8th of April Capt. Wil-
liams came to me again at Fort Creek,
and informed me that the original ar-
ticles of treaty had been laid before the
Governor and Assembly, and they were
upon a conclusion of granting me the
terms I wanted; but were prevented by
a Colonel who came from over the moun-
tains and was one of the Assembly, who
did ever}'thing against it. Their objec-
tions were the articles respecting the
Continental soldiers to be taken off,
and also that they could not think of
allowing any passports for any of the
friends of Government to have any cor-
respondence or connections with the
British. Everv other article thev were
willing to grant. Their Assembly con-
tinued on the business for three days,
as Mr. Williams informed me. My
answer was that I would forfeit mv life
before I would withdraw any one of the
articles that I had presented, as I still
wished to hold the same connection
with the British as formerly; I likewise
told him, that I understood that they
had picked out twenty-four of their best
horses and men from Virginia in order
to pursue me, and my answer to Mr.
Williams was that they might do their
best, and be damned, as I was fully de-
termined to still support my integrity,
and to exert myself in behalf of the King
and country' more severely than ever I
did. ^^'ith this Mr. Williams departed.

I then set out for Chatham, where I
learned that a wedding was to be that
day. On my way I took one prisoner
before I came to the house. There be-
ing but five of us, we immediately sur-
rounded the house in full charge. I
ordered them immediately out of the
house. Three of my men went into the
house and drove them all out one by

one. I caused them all to stand in a
row to examine them, to see if I knew
any of them that were bad men.* I
found one, by the name of \\illiam
Doudy, concealed upstairs. One of my
men fired at him as he was running
from one house to the other; he received
the ball in his shoulder. I then having
my pistols in my hand, discharged them
both at his breast, with which he fell,
and that night expired. I then paroled
the rest on the 25th.

I concluded within myself that it was
better for me to try and settle myself,
being weary of the disagreeable mode
of living I had borne with for some con-
siderable time; and for the many kind-
nesses and the civility of a gentleman
who lived in the settlement of Deep
River, I was induced to pay my addresses
to his daughter, a young lady of sixteen
years of age. The day of marriage be-
ing appointed, on making it known to
my'^ people, Capt. William Hooker and
Captain William Carr agreed to be mar-
ried with me. They both left me to
make themselves and their intended
wives ready, and the day before we were
to be coupled, the rebels before men-
tioned, with those good horses, came upon
them. Capt. Hooker's horse being tied
so fast he could not get him loose, they
caught him and murdered him on the
spot. Myself and Capt. Carr were
married and kept two days' merriment.
The rebels thought they were sure of
me then; however, I took my wife and
concealed her in the woods with Capt.
Carr's; and caused an oration to be put
out that I was gone to Charleston. In
order to be convinced, the rebels sent a
man in as a spy, with two letters from
Gen. Leslie with instructions for me to
enlist men for the sen'ice, which I knew
was forged, in order to betray me, and
from the person or commanding officer
of the rebel Light Horse. The following
is one of which I gave Gen. Leslie, that
had his name signed to it:

* Thi"? and the -^hootin^ of Capt. Bn-an supra,
appear uniustifiable; but by "bad men" Fanning
evidently means men who had murdered Loyalists,
and Bryan had broken his parole. Both ocpurred
after Balfour's pronouncement in the neg"tiation
for peace that "there was no resting- place for a
Tory's foot on earth. ' ' See also note to pp. 17. 18 inf.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

Charleston, 20th Jan., 1782.

Dear Colonel, —

Although I have not as yet the happiness
of being acquainted with you, yet I can
but applaud you very much for your
spirited conduct and activity. The only
objection I have to your conduct is your
being too strenuous with those who
have been subjects to his Majesty, and
whom the rebels have overcome and
forced them to comply with their laws. If
you would let them alone, the severity
of the rebels would cause them to return
to their allegiance again. But, sir, since
you have made so brave a stand already,
pray stand steadfast to the end, and we
shall be well rewarded at the last. Try
to spirit up your men, and enlist, if pos-
sible, three hundred men this spring,
ready to join three hundred more; which
shall be put under your command, and
you be Brigadier-General of them, and as
many more as you can get. We shall,
I hope, in the month of May land 1,300
troops in North Carolina, 300 for you to
join your corps, 1,600 in the whole, to
act upon the defensive until you are
reinforced.

Keep good discipline among your
troops, and keep out fellows who will
do nothing but plunder from amongst
your people. They are but false de-
pendence, and will not fight, but only
corrupt good men. Every man you en-
list for twelve months shall receive ten
guineas and a full suit of clothes as soon
as we land our troops, and they appear
under your command ready for action.
I can assure you, 'tis your fame and
worthy actions has, through and by
Major Craig given, reached his Majes-
ty's ears, and I expect perhaps by the
ne.xt packet boat you will get a genteel
present from our gracious Sovereign.
So hoping that you will be in the way
of your duty, I will take leave of you,
without mentioning your name, or sub-
scribing mine, lest this might miscarry —
the man who is entrusted with the care
of this dares not at present be seen in it,
but a friend, and send it to the man it is
directed to.

Sir, yours.

To Col. Fanning in No. Ca.

A letter from the traitor who brought
these two letters from Gen. Leslie:
Dear Sir,— ^

I would come to see you myself, but
am afraid of the rebel Light Horse. I
have a great many things to acquaint
you with and a good deal of good news,
but dare not write for fear of miscar-
riage. If you have any desire of seeing
me you must come soon, nay, instantly.
Don't let the bearer know the contents
of the letters — the fewer trusted the bet-
ter. In the meantime,

I am your friend and servant,
Joseph Wilson.

April 2qth, 1782.
To Col. Fanning.

My answer was in Major Rains' name
as follows:

Sir, — I am very sorry to think that
there is so many damned foolish rebels
in the world, as to think Col. Fanning
would be ever deceived by such damned
infernal writing as I have received from
you. Col. Fanning is gone to Charles-
ton, and is not to return here till he
comes with forces sufficient to defend
this part of the country, and I would
have you to disband, and be gone im-
mediately; for if I ever hear of any of
your people coming with anyching of
the sort, I will come and kill him myself.
I am in behalf of his Majesty's armies,

John Rains,
Major of the Loyal Militia.
To Jos. Wilson.

On the I St of May, 1782, I heard a
waggon going in the road; I imagined
she was going down to market, as I
heard of a number of waggons which
were to proceed down with liquors to
the market. On the 2nd I mounted
and pursued the waggon which I heard
the day before, and as I was about set-
ting out for Charleston I concluded to
have a frolic with my old friends before
we parted. After riding about ten miles
I overtook the said waggon, which be-
longed to a certain man who had been
taken prisoner and paroled by the Brit-
ish, and had broken his parole. In
the meantime, I was examining his
papers I set a sentinel over him. He,

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

knowing himself guilty, expected nothing
but death. He took an opportunity and
sprung upon my own riding mare, and
went off with my saddle, holsters, pis-
tols, and all my papers of any consequence
to me. We fired two guns at him; he
received two balls through his body, but
it did not prevent him from sitting the
saddle, and he made his escape. I took
the other man and caused him to take
me to the man's plantation, where I
took his w-ife, and three negro boys, and
eight head of horses. I kept his wife
in the woods for three days, and sent the
other man to see if he would deliver up
my mare and property containing my
papers, for which he wrote me the fol-
lowing answer or letter:

Sir, — Col. Fanning, I hope that you
do not blame me for what I did. Hop-
ing you will have mercy on me, as I am
wounded, and let my wife come to me.
Your mare shall be returned to you
without fail. Your mare I don't crave,
and I hope you don't covet mine. I beg
that you will have pity on my wife and
children. The negroes and horses I am
willing you shall keep until you get your
mare. I have sent to a doctor. But
the mare will be back to-night. No
more, but you may depend upon my word.

Andrew Hunter.
To Col. David Fanning.

I also received the following letter from
Edward Williams on the subject of
the mare:

Sir, — These few lines comes to let
you know that I have this day seen Mr.
Hunter, and he is badly wounded and
desires you would let his wife come to
him immediately. As to the rest of the
property, you are welcome to keep until
such time's you get your mare returned,
which will be as soon as possible, as she
has gone at this time after the doctor.
But she shall be returned to you with all
speed as soon as she returns. Mr. Hun-
ter is also very ill.

I am your obedient humble servant,
Edward Williams.
Col. David Fanning.

On the 7th of May, finding I could see
no opportunity of getting my mare, not-
withstanding she was one of my principal

creatures, and a mare I set great store by,
and gave one hundred and ten guineas for,
I was obliged to let loose all his horses
except one, as they were of no account to
me in the situation I was in; the negroes
I kept. I then proceeded on to Major
Gainer's truce land on Pedee in South
Carolina, where he had made a truce with
the rebels some time before, and I con-
tinued there until June, when I left my
wife, horses and negroes, and then, as I
was entirely a stranger to the situation of
the country and roads, I was obliged to
procure a pilot to proceed to Charleston;
I could not get one for less than twenty
guineas. After my departure I fell in
with the rebel dragoons commanded by
Col. Bailie, from Virginia. I was with
them for about an hour; and informed
them that we were some of the rebel party
then on our way to General Marion's head-
quarters. They never discovered us as
otherwise than such, it being in the dusk
of the evening. We fell into the rear, and
went into the woods and struck our camp
and promised them we would see them
next morning. However, we proceeded
on that night and arrived at Herald's point
on the 17th of June, and immediately
procured a passage to Charleston, where
I immediately applied for a flag to send
after Mrs. Fanning and property. The
flag had left Charleston two days, when
she came in, as Major Gainer had applied
to General Marion for a pass for her to
proceed to Charleston, but would not
let her have any of our property, or even
a negro to wait on her.

In a short time loyalists that had got
into Charleston from different parts of
the world, hearing that the Southern Col-
onies were to be evacuated by the British
forces, called a meeting to point out some
measures to try to hold some foothold in
the country, until we had got some part
pavment for our property which we were
obliged to leave if we left the country.
Handbills were struck and stuck up
through the town for the loyalists to
choose their representatives to represent
our situation and the desire we had to sup-
port ourselves and property. It was pro-
posed that twenty-five gentlemen should
be chosen a committee for that purpose.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

The days were appointed to take votes.
I was chosen amongst others; and drew
up a petition and sent to Sir GuyCarleton,
Comnnander-in-Chief, praying the liberty
of keeping the town and artillery, as they
stood on the works, and despatched two
gentlemen off with our petition; our re-
quest was not granted. I have hereunto
set forth the names of the gentlemen rep-
resentatives:

Col. Ballingall, Jas. Johnston, Esq.;
Robert Williams, Esq.; Lt.-Col. Dupont,
Col. Robt. Wra. Powell, Col. Gray, John
Gailliard, Esq.; Col. Cassels, John Rose,
Col. Pearson, Maj. Wm. Greenwood, Col.
Philips, Maj. Gabriel Capers, Col. Ham-
ilton, Lt.-Col. Thos. Inglis, Wm. Carson,
John Hopton, Esq.; Dr. Wm. Charles
Wells, Robt. Johnston, Esq.; Col. Thomas
Edgehill, John Champniss,Andrew Millar,
Esq.; Col. Samuel Bryan, Col. David
Fanning, Doctor Baron.

I remained in Charleston until the
5th of September, and my horses having
got recruited, and one of my negroes hav-
ing made his way good through the coun-
try, came down to me; I then set out for
the countrj'' again, on account of my mis-
fortune of losing my mare, which was of
great value to me. I went up to the set-
tlement again, to the man I sent to Hunter
before, and he informed me that Hunter
refused five negroes for the mare and
would not return her. He also went to
where I left one of the negroes and took
him and sent him over the mountains to
keep him out of my way. I continued
about in the settlement until the 22nd of
the month, trying to get her, but was dis-
appointed in my hopes. Knowing that
Charleston was to be evacuated, I was
obliged to return; and as I was on my
way, I understood my mare was at a cer-
tain place, about 125 miles from Charles-
ton, being about half the distance from
where I then was toward Charleston. I
instantly pursued on my journey to the
place where she then was. I came within
a mile of where I heard she was, and my
riding horse was so particularly known,
I sent a man up to the house and he was
known, and they directed us the wrong
way, and immediately sent word to where
my mare was. I found out we were

wrong; and took through the woods and
to a house within a half a mile, where
they had word of my coming and were
making ready to go to their assistance,
but seeing us come up, he immediately
left his horse, and was running off through
a field, and turned round and presented
his piece and snapped, but she missed fire;
with this, I ordered one of my men to fire
at him, who shot him through the body,
and despatched his presence from this
world. The other two men that was at
the house that did not run, informed me
that they had received word of my coming
a half an hour before I arrived, and also
that there were men lying in ambush
ready to attack me. With this, the man
who had my mare went off with her, and
having only two men and my negro that
set out with me from Charleston, also
two little negroes that I had for my mare,
I thought it was my best way to proceed
to Charleston, and on the 28th Septem-
ber I arrived at Charleston, where the
shipping was ready for me to embark for
St. Augustine.

The following is a Proclamation which
I got when I was out in the country,
nailed to Coxe's Mill:
State of North Carolina:

By his Excellency Alexander ISIartin,
Esq., Governor, Captain-General and
Commander-in-Chief in and over the said
State.

A PROCLAMATION

Whereas divers citizens of this State
have withdrawn themselves from their
allegiance and joined the enemy of this
and the United States, seduced by their
wicked artifices, now find their hopes, sup-
ported by deceit, totally blasted and left
unprotected to the Justice of their coun-
try ready to inflict those just punishments
due to their crimes. But in compassion
to such who are truly penitent and to stop
the further effusion of the blood of citizens
who may be reclaimed, by and with the
advice and consent of the Council of
State I have thought proper to issue this
my proclamation of pardon to all such of
the above persons who shall within ten
days after the date hereof surrender them-
selves to any commanding officer of any
troops of the State or any of the United

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

States acting in conjunction with the same,
on this express condition that they renew
the oath of allegiance and enter into one
of the Continental battalions of this State
and there serve twelve months after the
time of their rendezvous, which service
being faithfully performed shall expiate
their offences and entitle them to the res-
toration of their property and every other
privilege of a citizen, precluding all those
guilty of murder, robbing, house-break-
ing and crimes not justifiable by the laws
of war from the above pardon, notwith-
standing notifying all such persons that
unless they surrender at the time afore-
said, those taken prisoners shall be
deemed prisoners of war, and liable to
exchange except as above provided. The
enemy will exchange the same, otherwise
they shall be subjected to the penalties of
the said law which will be inflicted upon
them.

By Order of his Excellency Alexander
Martin, Esq.,

Bennett Crofton, Major,

States Legion.
June the 15th, 1782.

During my absence from Charleston,
the loyalists were signing to go under my
directions to East Florida, and as soon as
I came to town I ordered them all to get
on board, and on the 6th of November I
went on board the transport ship, the
Ne^v Blessing, commanded by Thomas
Craven, where I continued on board the
said transport for eight days before she
set out for St. Augustine. Arrived the
17th said month, where we came to
anchor, and there laid eight days more; at
the expiration of that time I went on shore
and three days after had my property
landed, about twenty-seven miles distance
from St. Augustine, upon the Matanzeys,
where I had some thought of settling. I
continued there for some time and from
thence proceeded to Halifax River, being
about fifty-five miles from St. Augustine.
There I undertook to settle myself and to
make a crop, thinking to begin the world
anew, being tolerably well provided for
with negroes.

In the last of February I met Major An-
drew Deavoce, who was heating up for
volunteers to go to take New Providence.

I also agreed to join him and took a copy
of the Articles and went home and raised
thirty young men for that expedition, and
had them in readiness to embark and
waited for Major Deavoce arrival at
the inlet of Halifax, until I heard he was
gone. A true copy of the original is here-
unto set forth:

Articles of Agreement between Major
Deavoce and the Volunteers, for an ex-
pedition immediately against New Prov-
idence:

Article ist. I do engage on my part
to furnish the men with provisions, arms
and ammunition for the expedition.

and. That the men shall be altogether
under my command and not to be trans-
ferred to any other after the expedition,
and that they rendezvous on the fifteenth
of this month in town, and be ready to go
on board on three hours' notice being
given them.

3rd. That all or any of the men who
shall desire to settle in that country after
the reduction of it shall be provided with
land.

4th. That all prizes taken by land or
sea shall be equally divided among the
officers and men according to their respec-
tive ranks, first deducting the expense of
the expedition.

5th. That in case of mutiny or dis-
obedience of orders the man or party con-
cerned shall forfeit the whole of their prize
monev and be subject to confinement for
the offence according to the nature of the
crime.

6th. That a certain number of dead
shares shall be reserved for the support of
all wounded men, widows and orphans of
men that may unfortunately fall on this
expedition. Ten dead shares shall be
at the disposal of Capt. WTieeler and my-
self for deserving men.

7th. That the person who raises the
most men shall be second in command,
and I do engage if any person or persons
should not be willing to remain in the
Bahamas to furnish them with a passage
to Jamaica or back to St. Augustine.
St. Augustine, 3rd of March, 1783.

We who have subscribed our names as
under, do hereby agree to go with Major
Andrew Deavoce on the within expedition

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

as volunteers, complying with the within
rules and to hold ourselves in readiness
for embarking on said expedition on the
fifteenth of this inst. Either of us refus-
ing to comply with the above and
within rules and articles shall forfeit to
Major Andrew Deavoce, his heirs or as-
signs,the sum of ten pounds sterling money
of Great Britain.

After this I began to notice my negroes
beginning to get sick and six of them died.
Some time after I went to St. Augustine
I was taken sick and lay at the point of
death for three weeks. I then began at
last to walk, and one day I went to my
field to where I had a young negro about
twenty years of age at work. I took my
rifle with me as usual; I set her down by a
tree. I felt very sick and weak; I laid
myself down on some grass and my negro
took up my rifle and came within ten yards
and set himself down and took aim at my
head, but luckily the ball missed my
head about one inch, but it split my hat.
I then got up and went towards him, when
he ran at me with the gun and struck at
my head. But I fended it off with my
arms. He however broke the stock, for-
ward of the lock. I knowing myself weak,
I turned and ran sixty yards, but found
myself not able to run. I got my feet
entangled in some vines and unfortunately
fell, and he came to me and with the barrel
of my rifle he struck at me many times.
I lay on my back and fended his strokes
with my heels until he had knocked all the
bottoms of my feet to blisters. His great
eagerness to kill me put him much out of
wind. I accidentally got hold of the gun
barrel and he tried to bite my hand for
some time. During the time of his trying
to bite me, I knocked all his fore teeth out.
At last he run for his hoe and made one
stroke at me and broke one of the bones
of my left arm. But I took the opportun-
ity of giving him a stroke on his temple
with which I brought him down. I then
mended my blows until he appeared to be
dead. As I had got him down my wife
came in sight of me, and he lay for some
time to appearance dead, until two men
came to me as they had heard me hollow-
ing. He at length come to and walked
home. I confined him to take him to

justice. He lived till the next day, and
at the same hour the next he was sitting,
eating, and all of a sudden he fell dead.

In a short time after I heard peace was
proclaimed and for the loyalists to send an
estimation of their losses and services;
also, that the Province of East Florida
was to be immediately evacuated, and the
ships came to take all the provincial
troops to Nova Scotia; the officers that
were acquainted with me insisted for me
to go with them, but I had not time to
get my family and property to town in
time, and as it was uncertain where I
should go to, some of the gentlemen
officers desired to give me a certificate to
let my services be known, let me go where
I would — a true copy of which is here-
unto set forth:

East Florida.

We whose names are hereunto sub-
scribed, do hereby certify that Col. David
Fanning, late of the Province of No.
Ca., acted in the station of Colonel of
Militia of that Province, and was of the
greatest service to his Majesty in suppress-
ing the rebels during the late rebellion in
North America, and that he is worthy of
every loyal subject both for his valour and
good conduct; that after he with his men
took the town of Hillsborough, dispersed
the rebel council, and took a great num-
ber of prisoners, he was on that day
wounded in the left arm — that finding the
town of Wilmington evacuated by the
British troops, and his wound not yet
well, he, for the safety of his people,
divided them into small parties, and con-
tinued a long time in the back woods; that
after many skirmishes in North Carolina,
in the month of June, 1782, he with the
utmost diflaculty made his way through
many interruptions of the enemy to the
Province of South Carolina, where his
Majesty's troops then lay; and that he
was obliged to leave the province where he
lived, and his property, which we are in-
formed was considerable; and that he is
now without the means of subsistence,
having lost his all for and on account of
his services and attachment to his Ma-
jesty's person and government.

John Hamilton,

Lt.-Col. Com. R. N. C. RegL

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

John Legett, Capt. R. N. C. Regt.
Alex. Campbell, Capt. S. C. Regt.
Geo. D.awkins, Capt. S. C. Regt.
Daniel McNeil,* Capt. R.N.C. Regt.
Moses Whitley, Lieut. S. C. Regt.
St. Augustine, 20th September, 1783.

On the 25th November following, I
drew up an estimate of the loss I had sus-
tained during the late war in America, a
true copy of which I hereto set forth:
Schedule of the property of Col. David
Fanning, late resident of the Province
of North Carolina, but now of the Prov-
ince of East Florida, lost to him on ac-
count of his zeal and attachment to the
British Government, and never received
any part or parcel thereof, or any res-
toration of the same, viz:
550 acres of land in Amelia County
in the Province of Virginia, with
a dwelling house and other nec-
essary buildings, a large apple
and peach orchard, and large £ s

enclosed improvements 687.10

550 acres of land near said planta-
tion, as heir to the estate of my
father, and some improvement

with a dwelling house 4 1 2 .00

3 saddle horses 41.00

12 plantation do., three unbroke do. 96.00

2 negro slaves 100.

Debts in notes, bonds, etc 289.

£1,625.10
Personally appeared before me, one of
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, St.
Augustine and Province of East Florida,
the above-mentioned Col. David Fanning,
who. beincr duly sworn and maketh oath
on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God,
that he lost all and every part of the above-
mentioned property on account of his
zeal and attachment to his Majesty's
cause during the late war against the re-
volted colonies in North America, and
that he has not let, sold, bargained, bar-
tered or disposed or impowered any person
or persons to let, sell, bargain, barter or
dispose of any part or parcel of the same
in any manner whatsoever, nor received
anv restitution for the same. Sworn at

* This was tho erandfather of the recently de-
ceased eminent physician and public man, Hon.
Daniel McNeill Parker. M.D.. of Nova Scotia.

St. Augustine, the 25th November, 1783,
before me.

John Mills, J. P.

David Fanning.

Personally appeared before me, one of
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in St.
Augustine, Province of East Florida,
Lieutenant Charles Robertson, Neill Mc-
Innis, and Philip Whisenhunt, refugees,
of said East Florida, who being called
upon by the within mentioned Col. David
Fanning to value the within mentioned
property, who being duly sworn, make
oath upon the Holy Evangelists of Al-
mighty God, that the within mentioned
properties are well worth the sums
affixed to each article, as near the value
as possible if the same was to be sold, to
their own knowledge and the best in-
formation they could get.

Charles Robertson.
Neil McInnis.
Philip Whisenhunt
Sworn at St. Augustine, this 25th Novem-
ber, 1783, before me.

John Mills, J. P.

(Here follows notarial certificate bv John
Mills)

After my many scenes and passages
through and during the late war, and
often hearing the Americans had got
their request, I never could put any faith
in it until I saw the King's speech, of
which I have hereunto set forth a true
copy for the better satisfaction of those
loyalists that perhaps have never seen it
vet.

New York, February 9th, 1783.

By the brigantine Peggy, Capt. McNiel,
in nineteen days from Tortola, we have
received the following copy of his Majes-
ty's most gracious speech to both houses
of Parliament on Thursday, December
5th, 1782 — which was brought to Tortola
from Windward by Capt. Rodney, son of
Lord Rodney:
My Lords and Gentlemen:

Since the close of the last session, I
have employed my whole time in the care
and attention which the important and
critical conjuncture of public affairs re-
quired of me.

I lost no time in giving the necessary
orders to prohibit the further prosecution

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING 41

of offensive war upon the continent of ness which has been she^\Tl by my subjects
North America, adopting, as my inclination in my city of London and in other parts
will always lead me to do with decision and of my kingdoms to stand forth in the gen-
effect, whatever I collect to be the sense of eral defence. Some proofs have lately
my Parliament and my people. I have been given of public spirit in private men
pointed all my views and measures as well in which would do honour to any age and any
Europe as in North America to an entire country — ha\ing manifested to the whole
and cordial reconciliation with those col- world by the most lasting examples the sig-
onies. nal spirit and bravery of my people. I
Finding it indispensable to the attain- conceived it a moment not unbecoming my
ment of this object, I did not hesitate to dignity, and thought it a regard due to the
go the full length of the powers vested in lives and fortunes of such bra-\-e and gal-
me and offered to declare them free and lant subjects to shew myself ready en my
independentStatesbyanarticletobe inserted part to embrace fair and honourable terms
in the treaty of peace. Provisional articles of accommodation with all the powers at war.
are agreed upon to take effect whenever I have the satisfaction to acquaint you
terms of peace shall be finally settled with that negotiations to this effect are consid-
the court of France. In thus admitting erably advanced, the result of which as soon
their separation from the crown of these as they are brought to a conclusion shall
kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consid- be immediately communicated to you. I
eration of my own to the wishes and opinion have every reason to hope and believe that
of my people. I make it my humour and I shall have it in my power in a very short
ever my prayers to Almighty God that Great time to acquaint you that they have ended
Britain may not feel the evils which might in terms of pacification which I trust you
result from so great a dismemberment of will see just cause to approve. I rely, how-
the Empire, and that America may be free ever, with perfect confidence on the wis-
from those calamities which have formerly dom of my Parliament and the spirit of my
proved in the mother country how essential people, that if any unforeseen change in
monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitu- the disposition of the belligerent powers
tional liberty. Religion, language," interest, should frustrate my confident expectations,
affections, may and I hope will yet prove they will approve of the preparations I
a bond of permanent union between the have thought it advisable to make, and be
two countries — to this neither attention ready to second the most vigorous efforts
nor disposition shall be wanting on my in the further prosecution of the war.
part. Gentlemen of the House of CoiiMONs:

\\Tiile I have carefully abstained from all I have endeavoured by every^ measure in

offensive operations against America, I my povrer to diminish the burthens of my

have directed my whole force by land and people. I lost no time taking the most

sea against the other powers at war with decided measures for introducing a better

as much vigour as the situation of that force economy in the expenditure of the anr.y.

at the commencement of the campaign I have carried into strict execution the

would permit. I trust that you must have several reductions in my civil list expenses

seen with pride and satisfaction the gallant directed by an act of the last session. I

defence of the Governor and garrison of have introduced a further reform into other

Gibraltar, and my fleet after having effected departments and suppressed several sine-

the object of their destination offering bat- cure places in them. I have by this means

tie to the combined force of France and so regulated my establishments that my

Spain on their own coasts; those of my expense shall not in future exceed my income,

kingdom have remained at the same time I have ordered the estimate of the civil

perfectly secure, and your domestic tran- list debt laid before you last session to be

quihty uninterrupted. This respectable completed. The debt proving somewhat

state under the blessing of God I attribute greater than could be then correctly stated

to the entire confidence which subsists be- and the proposed reduction not inunediately

tween me and my people, and to the readi- taking place, I trust you will provide for

42 THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

deficiency, securing as before the repayment "My good and worthy friends: I am now

out of my annual income. giving to make stime remarks as to your

I have ordered enquiry to be made into disagreeable situation. The distresses to

the application of the sum voted in support which the unfortunate loyalists in America

of the American sufferers, and I trust you are now reduced are too poignant not to

will agree with me that a due and generous command the pity and commiseration of

attention ought to be shown to those who every friend to human nature. The man

have relinquished their properties or pro- that is steeled against such a forcible impres-

fessions from motives of loyalty to me and sion is a monster that should be drove from

attachment to the mother country'." the circle of cultivated s^xiety. In most

On the loth of March I had some busi- situations, when calamities and niisfortunes

ness to St. Augustine, the inhabitants of press upon our minds, hope buoys us up

Musqueto asked the favour of me to hand a and keeps us from sinking into the ocean

petition to his E.xcellenc^ the Governor, of despondency and despair, but the un-

and knowing the situation of the petitioners fortunate loyalists have no hopes to cheer

I spoke in their behalf; asked his Excellency up their spirits; even this last refuge of the

what answer he sent to the people, he said afflicted is denied us of enjoying peace and

he should send for none of them, and if happiness which our forefathers and our-

they were a mind to remove, they must get selves were born under. During a seven

to the shipping as they could, for he said years' war we have been induced to brave

he had no vessels at that time in Govern- every danger and difficulty in support of the

ment's services. Government under which we were born, in

"To his Excellency Patrick Tonyn, Escj., hopes that we and our children would reap
Capt. General, Governor and Commander the fruits of our labour in peace and seren-
and Chief in and over his Majesty's prov- ity. Instead of that reasonable expecta-
ince of East Florida and vice-admiral of the tion, we find ourselves at the conclusion of
same: whereas your humble petitioners a war sacrificed to the indignation of our
showeth that they are rendered very poor enemies, expelled our native countr)', and
and unable to remove ourselves to be in thrown on the wide world friendless and
readiness to receive the opportunity offered unsupported. It is needless to repeat the
for our removement from his Majesty's prov- many promises of support and protection
ince of this East Florida which is to be held out to the public by the King and those
evacuate'i; here is several poor widows as acting under his authority. These prom-
well as poor men of his jSIajesty's loyal sub- ises have been violated in every instance,
jects; we pray his Excellency would send a and that national faith which we had been
schooner to remove us to the vessels provided accustomed to look upon as sacred, basely
for our passage when his Excellency sees that bartered for an inglorious peace, even to
this province will be given up; we would wish this province which the loyalists from
to tarry here where we have good warm the other colonies have fled to for shelter,
houses till his Excellency sees the time now denied us. The Spaniards are in a
draws nigh; however, we would v.ish to short time to take possession of this province,
refer it to his Excellency's opinion upon the and whilst we are together we had better
matter, and in granting of your petitioners' draw up a decent petition to have protec-
humble petition, your humble petitioners tion, and throw ourselves on their mercy.
ever will be in duty bound to pray. If they deny us we will have few to condemn

At the Musqueto, this 26th of January, us, for what cruel and relenting necessity

1784. may compel us to adopt. Innumerable are

Thomas Yountg, Capt. S. C. Mil. the' difficulties at present to encounter.

Abraham Floyd, Joseph Currie, Magee Stripped of our property, drove from our

Black, Agnes Wilson, Moses Barnes, homes, excluded from the company and

Jacob Bams, Joseph Rogers." care of our dearest connections, robbed

I left St. Augustine the 1.3th of said month of the blessing of a free and mild govem-

and returned to the Musqueto and made the ment, betrayed and deserted by our friends,

following speech to the inhabitants. what is it can repay us for our misery.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

dragging out a ^^Tetched life of obscurity
and want? Heaven only that smooths
the rugged paths of life can reconcile us to
our misfortunes. Also, my hopes of ever
receiving anything from Government for
losses or services are vanished, as I cannot
support any other opinion than whenever
Great Britain sees it her interest to with-
draw her force and protection from us, let us
go where we will, we never can say we are
safe from such difficulties as we have been
induced to brave since the commencement
of the late war, and for the same reason I
shall in a few days get out in open boats
to West Florida to settle myself at or near
Fort Notches on the Mississippi River."
■ On the 2oth of March myself and seven
other families set out, all in open boats.
We kept company for i6o miles. I then
left them and went forward to get to better
hunting ground, and proceeded until I
got to the Scibirsken, where I waited for
the rest of my company twelve days; but
not seeing them come, I concluded they
had passed me, and must have proceeded
on their journey. I hoisted sail and stood
on until I came to Key \^'^est, and seeing a
large schooner I stood for her. She hove
to, and when I came alongside she informed
me that I was then on the edge of the Gulf
of Mexico, and then I turned and stood for
that key. I got to the key at three o'clock,
and the wind blew a gale for fifteen days,
and whilst on board the before-mentioned
schooner, who belonged to the Spaniards.
They had some Creek Indians on board, and
then bound to Havana; the Spaniards I
could not understand, but they imderstood
the Creek language and my speaking to
the Indians and informing of the Indians
that I was going to Mississippi, he told me
that my boat was too small, and it would be
impossible for me to make the main land,
as it was three daj^' sail before I could make
land. The Spaniards understood all my
discourse, and upon finding where I was
bound, they spoke to me in Indian and told
me that there were six or seven families of
the English had left St. Augustine some
time before, and that they were all killed
except the negroes, and they thought we
would stand a poor chance to escape them,
as I should be obliged to keep the shore.
In an hour after I made the kev there came

another Spanish schooner to anchor that
I had passed the day before. They could
not speak any English, but finding that the
others could speak Creek, I also spoke to
them in the same language, which they un-
derstood very well, and informed me as
the other schooner had done. They were
windbound for fifteen days, and treated
me with every civility. I had one white
lad of eighteen years of age, and by the
different accounts we had of the Spaniards
he got scared. I told him not to lose his
life on my account. He then went on board
of the schooner, and on the night the wind
abated, the Spaniards came on shore and
took the most of myself and wife's wearing
apparel and bedding.

They informed me before their departure
that they looked upon it that we could not
proceed with our small open boats, the dis-
tance of the bay where we had to cross being
about 36 leagues to a key called Sandy Key,
which is nine leagues from the main land,
which in case of our not hitting that key
the distance would be about 100 leagues
before we should make land again. Upon
which I turned and went back about twelve
leagues to Key Bockes, and steered due
north till we made the key, being about
eight hours out of sight of land. WTien we
made the key, being 19th of said month,
I got to said land the 20th. I saw a small
schooner standing for the land about four
leagues distance from us, and cast anchor
where the aforementioned Spaniards in-
formed us that the Indians were very bad
in killmg the English people that crossed
the Bay of Tompay, as the man that started
with me being much alarmed at the be-
haviour of the Indians, set off back again
with the Spaniards to the Havana. I
then with my little family, consisting of my
wife, self and two little negroes, I perceiv-
ing it might be dangerous for me to pro-
ceed, went on board the little schooner that
lay at anchor about four leagues from me.
I immediately took my boats and went on
board of him, enquiring of one Baptist, who
commanded her. I found he was an Ital-
ian; asked him where he was from, he in-
formed me from New Providence. I then
applied to him to get a passage with him.
He told me he could not tell me at that time
whether he could carry all my property or

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

not, desired me to pay my boats otT that
night. The next morning he told me he
could not give me a passage for less than
200 dollars. The next day he fell to 150
dollars. Then the wind blowing very fresh,
I went on board my boat, and hoisted sail
and went oQ for the land again. In the
course of two or three hours he came round
a point with a schooner to the land in order
to mend some turtle nets which were much
broken. He, during the time of his laying
there, gave us liberty to come and sleep on
board, and on the 23rd of the month I asked
him if he would not take less than 150 dol-
lars to carry me to Providence, as I told
him I could not afford to give him so much,
as it was more than I was able to give him,
as I was entirely robbed of what little I
had. He said he would not take less. The
next morning I set off in my boat and sent
my girl along shore to catch some fowls I
had on shore, where I was to come back
again to the place as soon as I got the dis-
tance of about three miles round a point.
When I got to the point I left my boat ashore,
and went back in order to meet the girl
where I expected to see her. I got about
half the distance, but did not meet her,
and coming there and not finding her I
went some little distance back to where
the schooner lay. As I expected, they were
going to use me in the same manner the
Spaniards had done before, when I saw
them take my negro girl and carry her on
board with them. I then sat down for the
space of a half hour, and considering within
myself what I had best do, and seeing the
said Baptist, commander of the said schooner,
and his man Thomas coming ashore again,
after carrying my negro girl off into the
woods and hid her. I then saw them com-
ing out of the woods. Thinking within
myself that they intended to kill me,
with which I looked and examined my
gun and powder; finding I had only one
charge with me or nigher than my boats,
and considering the present distressed
situation I was in, obliged me to con-
sider what w^as my best measure to pur-
sue, and I immediately advanced to-
wards them, they parting, one turned
back to where the girl was, the other
coming on a small distance, went from
the beach and turned off into the woods.

I intmediately ran and called to him
and asked him concerning what he had
done with the girl, with which he denied
having seen her. I then told him he
need not deny it, for I had seen him with
her, and offered him four dollars if he
would inform me where she was, so that
I could get her. He immediately said
that Mr. Baptist had the command of
the schooner, and that I had better go
back and speak to him myself. I also
went back to where their boat lay, and
continued there for the space of fifteen
minutes, then I turned and walked back
from the place I started from. During
the course of my walking I looked be-
hind and saw the said Baptist about
150 yards in my rear, his gun lying across
his left arm. I turned around and ad-
vanced to him, and when near him I
observed his gun cocked. I asked him
at first what he had his gun cocked for;
his answer was in order to fire at any-
thing that came. With that I told him
that he had better uncock his gun as I
did not see anything to fire at there. I
told him several times; he replied he al-
ways carried his gun cocked, and kept
her cocked for the space of fifteen min-
utes. I asked if he had not seen my
girl come that way. He told me no.
I then told him that he need not deny it,
for I had seen her on board his boat, he
being in the boat at the same time,
carrying her off to the schooner, not men-
tioning to him that I saw him bring her
back. I then told him I could carry
him back and show him the girl's tracks
where he had carried her along and took
her on board. I then offered him four
dollars to give her up, as I told him my
present situations would not admit of
my giving him as much money as he asked
to carry me to Providence. He told me
I talked like a boy, as no person would
carry me to Providence under five hun-
dred dollars, and he only asked one hun-
dred and fifty, and also alluded to my
going off and not speaking to him any
more, and that if he had my girl he would
keep her as he had lost a boy that cost
him eight hundred dollars, and that he
must make something before he returned
to Providence. I asked him if he would

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING 45

carry me for either the boy or girl, al- the wind was blowing fresh. On the
lowing me fifty dollars. He told me no. 15th of June he got his turtle and water
I told him that it was but little less than on board where he had his turtle in a
the half I was worth; he told me he crawl in the Bay of Fundy, where he had
would carry me for one of them, or fifty supplied himself with wood and water,
dollars. In my distressed situation, and and all his turtle on board, where he then
my wife being pregnant, I thought I drew a note of hand for me to sign for
had best endeavour to get a passage two hundred pieces of eight for my
with him. I told him that I would passage. I immediately answered him
sooner than to lose my negro girl give I would sooner suffer death than to sign
him one hundred and fifty dollars than any instrument of writing. He then
either the girl or the boy, as I was con- wished himself damned before I should
vinced I should have justice done me on go with him, and ordered me to haul
my arrival at New Providence, as I should up my boat and put what I could in her
see some persons who were acquainted and go on shore with my family. My
with me in Providence; he told me he boat being so small would not carry one-
would. I then told him I wanted him fourth part of my property ofif. As there
to drop his schooner down to where my lay a large boat alongside that they had
boats were in order to get my property brought off their turtle wood and water
out of the boats. He told me he could on board in, I asked them for the loan of
not as he was going round the Key to her. They told me they could not as
turtle. I then going back, I met with they were going to get under way. With
the other man and wanted to hire him. that I brought my boat alongside, and
He told me he could not unless I had they in the meantime took their two
got liberty from Baptist. With that I boats and went on shore,
went myself, and came to my boats and My wife being in a bad situation, fell
told my wife the situation of matters, a crying and begged of me to do any-
and we immediately started with only thing to get away for fear we might meet
my boy's assistance and rowed back with others who might distress us of
against the wind blowing fresh for seven everything. As I found that I should
miles; then coming very near the schooner lose the greatest part in case I vrent on
I threw out my anchor and lay there all shore, as I had left my large boat at Cape
night, and the next morning I called to Sable on the mainland, and my little
them several times and asked them if boat not being large enough to contain
they had seen my girl. After some time over the one-fourth of my property, for
they answered me. Ay, Ay! and told us which I told him to draw a note for one
to come alongside. I told them I wanted hundred and fifty dollars, for which I
my girl to come and assist me in taking signed, the note being dated 15th July,
out my property. They answered me and was to be paid after my arrival in
they would assist me in taking them out. Providence, to have thirty- five days after
With that I weighed anchor and went my landing there before payment was
alongside of the schooner and told my to be made.

wife to go on board. When on board On the 30th of June, as we were lay-
she went and called the girl several ing at New Madamcumba after our
times. My wife then went down into having several words, he told me that he
the hold with a stick, and she said that understood by my negroes that I intended
she found the girl hid among the sails, to have him hung after my arrival at
being stripped of all her clothes she had New Providence if he had turned my
on the day when she left me. I had my wife on shore, and in case she had died
property put on board, and soon after that I should do my endeavours to hang
I set off to the shore and anchored my him in Providence, and told me if it
large boat some little distance from the had not been for killing my wife he would
shore, where I lay till some time in June, be damned if he did not drown me over-
round the point where I came from, as board long ago, only on account of my

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

wife. On the 12th July a Capt. Bunch,
Capt. Clutsam, and Capt. \Vm. Smith,
of New Providence, appeared, and Capt.
Bunch came on board the small schooner
commanded by the said Baptist. The
said Mr. Bunch asked me my reasons for
staying so long on board that small
schooner, and why I gave the said Bap-
tist my note of hand for one hundred
and fifty dollars, of which Mr. Bunch
informed me that it was contrary to the
laws of the Government of New Prov-
idence to make any agreement with
any person or persons found in distress,
but to render ever)' assistance. With
this I found Mr. Bunch wished to render
me a service in my distressed situation,
and I opened to him all former proceed-
ings respecting the ill treatment and be-
haviour of the said Baptist. On the same
account every gentleman of them oflfered
me any assistance I wanted, and Mr.
Bunch told me that in case I did not get
a passage with Capt. Clutsam, which he
did not doubt but what I should, he
would give me a passage himself. How-
ever, I procured a passage from Capt.
Clutsam for fifty dollars, during which
passage I was in every respect used and
treated like a gentleman by the said
Capt. Clutsam, and on my arrival at
New Providence the said Capt. Clutsam
behaved with so much honour that,
instead of taking fifty dollars of me, he
deducted twenty, and only charged me
thirty, and upon finding who I was
would not take but twenty dollars, and
he at the same time refused taking any
more of me. During the course of my
being on board of Capt. Clutsam he
found me in every necessary, and made
no charge for any provisions or anything
I received from him. His humanity
was so great, that if ever in my power to
render any ser\nce to him or any of
those gentlemen, nothing shall ever be
wanting on my part to do them service.

I continued in Nassau for twenty days,
and then took my passage with Capt.
Jacob Bell to New Brunswick, where
we cast anchor 23rd of Sept., 1784, and
continued until the 25th of October, and
then set out for Halifax to his Excellency
Governor Parr, to know how I should

get land, but as I got to Halifax his Ex-
cellency Governor Carlton arrived, and
I could do nothing, so I returned on
the 7 th November, and in August I
received the following letter from Col.
John Hamilton in answer to mine in
regard to my claims:

Dear Sir, — I received yours of the 9th
February, 1785, a few days ago and notice
the ctmtents. I am sorry to inform you
that your claims are not yet given in, but
I expect the i)ffice for receiving claims will
be opened again by act of Parliament this
session, when you may depend proper
care shall be taken of yours. I am sorry
to hear of your losses. I hope you are now
agreeably settled, and making something
for your family. I think if you can leave
your business in proper hands, a trip to
this country would be of service to you,
though I don't think vou would get half-
pay. Government would settle an an-
nuity on you for life; which cannot be
done without your coming here.

If you come you may depend on all my
interest in your favour, and I cannot help
thinking it worth your while to come home.

I am, dear sir, your humble servant,

John Hamilton.
London, May loth, 1785.

In a short time after I heard that there
was another act of Parliament passed to
receive claims for losses and services, also
that the Commissioners had arrived at
Halifax, and on the 20th March, I set out
for Halifax, and presented a copy of my
claim from East Florida, with the Me-
morial as follows:

"To the Honourable Commissioners,
appointed by act of Parliament, further to
enquire into the losses and services of the
American Loyalists.

The Memorial of David Fanning, late
Colonel of the North Carolina Militia,
humbly sheweth: That your Memorialist
is a loyalist from North Carolina, who
uniformly and religiously adhered to his
duty and loyalty to the best of Sovereigns,
for which he suffered persecution, and
manv other inconveniences — that vour
Memorialist, by a warrant from Major
Craig, of the S2nd Regiment, then com-
manding at Wilmington, was placed at the
head of the militia of that province; that

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

your Memorialist during the late war did
command from one to nine liundred and
fifty men, with whom he was engaged in
six and thirty skirmishes in North Caro-
lina, and four in South Carolina; all of
which were of his own planning and in
which he had the honour to command;
that your Memorialist killed many of the
rebels and took many of them prisoners;
among the latter of whom were Governor
Burke, his council, and many oflScers of
distinction in the rebel army; that your
Memorialist, during that time, was twice
wounded, and fourteen times taken pris-
oner; that, on the conclusion of the late
peace, your Memorialist settled two hun-
dred and fifty souls in East Florida; and
himself having taken refuge in several
parts of his Majesty's remaining posses-
sions in America, finally settled in the
Province of New Brunswick, where he is
in great distress, with his family. That
your Memorialist, in consequence of his
said loyalty to his Sovereign, the many
services rendered him, and attachment to
the British Government, had his property,
real and personal, seized, confiscated, and
sold by rebel authority. Your Memorial-
ist therefore prays that his case may be
taken into consideration, in order that he
may be enabled under your report to re-
ceive such aid or relief as his case may be
found to deserve."

David F.a.nning.
St. John, March ist, 1786.
I also took the following oath before
Peter Hunter, Secretary to the Commis-
sioners, in favour of my claim at Halifax:
Town of Halifax, [ ^ ^
Nova Scotia. /

David Fanning, late of North Carolina,
Colonel of Militia, but now of Kings
County, in the Province of New Bruns-
wick, maketh oath and saith that he
resided in East Florida and the Bahama
Islands from the 15th day of July, 1783,
to the 25th of March, 1784, and this de-
ponent further saith that he was utterly
incapable of preferring or delivering to the
Commissioners appointed by Act of Parlia-
ment passed in the twenty-third year of
his present Majesty entitled an Act for
appointing Commissioners to enquire into
the losses and services of all such persons

who have suffered in their rights, proper-
ties and possessions, during the late un-
happy dissensions in America in conse-
quence of their loyalty to his Majesty and
attachment to the British Government, or
at this office any Memorial Claim or re-
quest for aid or relief on account of this
deponent's losses during the late unhappy
dissensions in America, within the limited
time by the said Act for the receiving of
such claims by the reason that this deponent
during all such time, viz., Between the
15th July, 1783, and the 25th March,
1784, lived or resided in East Florida and
the Bahama Islands; that this deponent
did, however, send a claim to Col. John
Hamilton, of the North Carolina Volun-
teers in England, of his losses, but that
by a letter that this deponent received
from said Hamilton, bearing date loth
May, 1785, he is informed that his claims
were not then given to the Commissioners
in England, and that this deponent be-
lieves his said claim must have arrived in
London after the time appointed by the
late Act of Parliament for receiving such
claims had expired, or that the Colonel,
Hutchins, to whom I had entrusted the
delivery of the said claim had neglected
the trust reposed in him in giving in
my claim.

Sworn this day of March. 1786,

before me —

DAV^D Fanning.
When I presented my Memorial and
estimate of claim to Peter Hunter, Secre-
tary to the Commissioners, he gave me no
manner of satisfaction, and on my asking
him if I could come under an examina-
tion, he told me to be gone, he did not
think the Commissioners would receive
ray claim. When I found I could get no
hearing at Halifax at that time, I returned
home with a full resolution never to
trouble myself any more. At the time of
being in Halifax I met my old friend,
Capt. John Legett, of the Royal North
Carolina Regiment, who said he would
speak to the Commissioners in my favour.
He also gave me a copy of the following
letter from Lieut. -Col. Arch. McKay:
London, Nov. 15th. 1785.
Dear C.\ptain, —

Ever mindful of your good-will and the

48 THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

kindness you showed unto me since I had tion. I still retained my opinion, but on
the pleasure of being acquainted with informing Col. Joseph Robinson, he pre-
you, induces me to write you a few lines at vailed with me, after a long persuasion, to
present informing you of my success since call and see the Commissioners, which I
I came to England, knowing you would did, in company with Col. Robinson,
be glad to hear of the provision made for where I was treated with every civility and
me. When I came to England, I got a all attention paid to me. After my ex-
hearing by the Commissioners of Ameri- amination they gave me the following
can Claims, and they granted me thirty certificate:

pounds yearly for temporary' subsistence. ,, ^ . _

T .\. r J • -1 » c- r> Office of American Ci-.-vims.

I then laid m a memorial to Sir George wrriv^i:, v^r xuai:.rvi^,/i.. v.i..vimo,

Young for Captain's half-pay; but I St. John, 2nd February, i-jSy.
must confess I thought my chances for We do hereby certify that David Fan-
that bad enough, as I was not acquainted ning has undergone an e.xamination on
with any of the Generals who commanded oath before us, as an American sufferer
in America; but since it was only amuse- from North Carolina. We are satisfied
ment to try, I got a certificate from Col. by his own account, and by the evidence
Craig, and another from Col. Hamilton he has prcxluced, that his exertions in sup-
and laid them in with the memorial. It port of the British Government, as Colonel
was, with a good many others, a long time of the Chatham and Randolph County
from office to office; at length they have Militia, during the late troubles in Am-
allowed me seventy pounds sterling, erica, have been very great and e.xemplary;
yearly, for life, for my services in America, that he has been severely wounded in
exclusive of the other thirty pounds, several engagements and has in other
Upon the whole I do not repent coming to respects been a great sufferer; though,
London, as things have turned out. from particular reasons, it will not be in

I wrote to Capt. McNeill this morning, our power to make him any considerable
not thinking I should have time to write allowance under our report. We there-
to you before the ship sailed, and I had fore recommend him as a proper person
not time to write to him so fully as I could to be put on the half-pay list as Captain,
wish, but I will mind better next time. and to have an annual allowance from

I intend to spend next summer in Scot- Government equal to that half-pay.

land, if ever}'thing turns out here to my Thomas Dundas.

expectations, and I would be glad to get J. Pemberton."

a long letter from you concerning your I then empowered George Randall,

new settlements. You will please to Esq., Whitehall, London, to act for me.

write to me, under cover to Messrs. John I sent the original certificates and me-

and Hector McKay, No. 5, Crown Court, morial in company with the letter.

Westminster; and if I am in Britain I To the Right Honourable Sir George

shall be sure to get any letter that may Yoiinge, Baronet, Secretary at War, etc.,

come for me. After my jaunt to Scotland etc.:

I hope to do myself the honour to call and The Memorial of David Fanning, late
see you on my way to New Providence, Colonel of the Chatham and Randolph
where Alexander and Malcom McKay County Militia, in North Carolina, hum-
are gone. I am, sir, with due respect, bly sheweth:

Your sincere friend and humble servant, That in the year 1781, under an ap-

Archibald McKay." pointment from Major Henn,' Craig, then

To Capt. John Legett. commanding the British troops in North

I returned home and continued until Carolina, your Memorialist embodied near

the 27th June, 1787. When I was enter- one thousand men of the loyal inhabitants

ing the suburbs of the city of St. John, I of that Province, and with them performed

accidentally met Ensign Henry Niss, with singular service to the British Govem-

a letter from the Commissioners, desiring ment; that he has been twice severely

me to attend immediately for an examina- wounded in the course of the war; he has

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

been fourteen times taken prisoner, and
has been tried for his life by the rebels,
and has ever exerted his utmost endeav-
ours in support of the cause of Great
Britain; he is disabled by wounds he has
received and has no means of support.
For the truth of these allesrations he bes:s
to refer to his appointment of Colonel, to
the certificates of several officers under
whom he served, and to the certificates of
the Commissioners of American Claims,
forwarded herewith.

Your Memorialist most humbly prays
that he may be put on the Provincial half-
pay list as Captain, fully confident that
his past ser\aces and present necessitous
situation will be thought desen'ing of that
appointment, and your ^lemorialist, as in
dut}-- bound, shall ever pray,

Da\td Fanning.

Ciiy of St. John, 2nd February, 1787.

Pursuant to the advice of Lieut. -Col.
Joseph Robinson, I have transmitted a
power of attorney to you in order to re-
ceive half-pay, with a certificate from the
Commissioners. !Mr. I. Pemberton and
Colonel Dundas, Esq.; General Alexander
Leshe, Col. Nisbet Balfour, Lieut. -Col.
J. Henry Craig, of the i6th Regiment, and
Lieut.-Col. John Hamilton, of the North
Carolina Regiment, are witnesses of my
services. If vou will be so crood as to
accept the power and grant me your as-
sistance in obtaining the same, you will
highly oblige.
Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

Da\td FA2«nNG.
New Brunswick,

Ciiy of St. John. February -jth, 1787.
George Randall, Esq., Westmesster,
Whitehall, London.

Received July 20th, 17S7, the following
from my agent:

Whitehall, 15th May, 17S7.

Sir, — On the 3rd inst., in a letter to
Lieut.-Col. Robinson, I desired he would
inform vou of mv havins; received vour
Memorial, Certificate, etc., claiming the
half-pay of a Captain or a mUitar}- pension
equal to the rank. Since then I have
received your letter with duplicates of the
above papers, and your bill of £260 is.
has been presented as you desired, and

as I was also much disposed to do. I
gave the holder a favourable answer and
the true one, that you had reason to ex-
pect that I should have effects in hand
sufficient to pay the bill when it became
due, but that a delay in settling your
business and which you could not foresee,
would for a time prevent my accepting
your biU.

I must now inform you that I took the
earliest opportunity'- of presenting your
memorial and the certificate of the Com-
missioners, being highly honourable to
you and recommending you for an allow-
ance, or the half-pay of Captain. I
think there is no reason to doubt you will
have a sum equal to that rank allowed you
by Government. You had omitted to re-
quest that the grant might take place from
the 24th of October, 1783, but I added a
paragraph to the memorial for that pur-
pose, but whether you wiU be allowed
from that period is doubtful. I am sorry
at the same time to acquaint you that it
may be some months before the deter-
mination of Government is known, but
you may be sure that I shall pay a partic-
ular attention to your business and give
you the earhest notice of the event. The
certificate you sent, though ver\' regular
as to the periods, I think would not entitle
me to receive the money from the pay
office on your account, as I am inclined
to believe your allowance wiU be a military
allowance, and not half-pay, and for that
reason I send you a printed certificate,
which you can keep as a precedent, and
desire you will transmit to me a sett,
copied from it, for the same periods as
them you have already transmitted, tak-
ing particular care that there be no blot,
alteration or erasure in the dates. I will
be much obliged to you if you will ac-
quaint Chillas that the answer of Govern-
ment to his memorial is that he cannot be
placed on the half-pay establishment, the
commission he held being only in the
militia of the tovrn of Nev.- York.

The packet you sent with the certificate
amounted to 12 shillings postage and your
single letter to one shilling.

I am, sir, your most obedient humble
servant,

George R.\ndall.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

To David Fanning.

Whitehall, ist August, 1787.
Sir, — On the 15th May, I acknowl-
edged the receipt of your letter and dupli-
cate containing memorials, certificates and
other papers relating to your claim of
half-pay, or a military pension, and ac-
quainted you that having presented those
papers, I thought you had a very fair
prospect of success. I am still of that
opinion, but am sorry to acquaint you
that the consideration of half-pay claims
is again deferred and that it may be some
months longer before I can acquaint you
with the results. I conclude, therefore,
that the bill you drew on me for ;^26o is.
must be returned.

I have received from the Treasury the
sum granted to you by Government on
account of your losses, for which I gave a
receipt in the annexed form and am
ready to accept your bill for £22 14s., as
after deducting agency and postage, etc.,
and abstract herewith sent.
Copy of a receipt:

The 24th day of July, 17S7, received of
Mr. Thomas Coffin by order of the Lords
of the Treasury and according to a dis-
tribution under the direction of the Com-
missioners of American Claims, appointed
by an Act of the 23rd of his present Ma-
jesty, the sum of ^24, as a payment for
present relief and on account of the losses
during the late dissensions in America.

Signed for David Fanning,
;^24 OS. G. Randall, Attorney.

After this I received the letter from my
Agent and found I had lost property to the
amount of ;^i,625 los. according to an
appraisement of three men acquainted
with the property. But, as it was not like
a coat taken out of mv hand, or gold taken
out of my pocket. I could not get anything
for my losses, although I did not give in
anything like the amount of my losses. I
lost twenty-four horses, and only reported
fifteen, one of which cost more than all
I ever got from Government, and six
head of cattle, £289 for property sold at
the commencement of the war, and the
land which I was heir to, and for which I
refused, many times, ^3,000 Virginia cur-
rencv. But because I turned out in
the service of my King and country in the

20th year of my age, and my exertions
were very e.xemplary in support of the
British Government, I have lost my all,
for and on account of my attachment to
the British Government — only ;^6o. which
would not pay the expenses I have been at
to obtain it.

I can prove what I have here wrote to be
facts, and the world will be able to judge
after reading this narrative, and observe
this Act of Oblivion passed in North
Carolina, in the year 1783, which is here-
with set forth — which is enlarged and im-
proved in the London Magazine, which
will be found on page 607, Vol. i, from
July I to Dec. i, 1783.

An Act of Pardon and Oblivion, by the
State of North Carolina.

Whereas, it is the policy of all wise
States, on the termination of all Civil
Wars, to grant an Act of Pardon and Ob-
livion for past offences, and as divers of
the citizens of this State and others, the
inhabitants thereof in the course of the
late unhappy war, have become liable to
great pains and penalties for offences com-
mitted against the peace and government
of this State, and the General Assembly,
out of an earnest desire to observe the
articles of peace on all occasions, disposed
to forgive offences rather than punish
where the necessity for an exemplary
punishment has ceased. Be it therefore
enacted by the General Assembly of the
State of North Carolina, and it is hereby
enacted by the authority of the same, that
all and all manner of treasons, misprisions
of treason, felony or misdemeanour, com-
mitted or done since the 4th day of July,
1776, by any persons whatsoever, be par-
doned, released and put in total oblivion.
Provided always that this Act or any-
thing therein contained, shall not extend
to pardon or discharge, or give any benefit
whatsoever to persons who have taken
commission or have been denominated
officers, and acted as such to the King of
Great Britain, or to such as are named in
any of the laws commonly called confis-
cation laws, or to such as have attached
themselves to the British and continued
without the limits of the State and not
returned within twelve months previous
to the passing of this Act.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

Provided further, that nothing herein
contained shall extend to pardon Peter
Mallet, David Fanning and Samuel
Andrews, or any person or persons guilty
of deliberate and wilful murder, robbery,
rape or house-breaking, or any of them,
anything herein contained to the contrary
notwithstanding. Provided, nevertheless,
that nothing in this Act shall be construed
to bar any citizen of this State from their
civil action for the recovery of debts or
damage. Provided, also, that nothing
herein contained shall entitle any person
by this law to be relieved to elect or be
elected to any office or trust in this State,
or to hold any office civil or military.

And whereas by an Act passed at Wake
Court House, all officers, civil and military,
who have taken parole were suspended
from the execution of their respective
offices, and required to appear at the next
General Assembly, to shew cause, if any
they could, why they should not be re-
moved from the said office; and, whereas,
several of the officers aforesaid have
neglected to appear agreeably to the re-
quisition of the Act of Assembly. Be it
enacted by the General Assembly of the
State of North Carolina, and it is hereby
enacted, by the authority of the same, that
all such officers, both civil and military, are
hereby declared to stand suspended from
the execution of their several offices until
they shaJl appear at some future Assembly
and be restored to the execution of their
respective offices or removed agreeable to
their merits or demerits. Provided that
nothin herein contained shall be construed
to exclude a Justice of the Peace from ex-
ecuting the duties of his office, who shall

make it appear to the satisfaction of the
Court of his County by oath or otherwise;
that he was taken prisoner without his
consent and privily, and that after his cap-
ture he had not voluntarily stayed with
the enemy, nor taken an active part in any
manner by furnishing them willingly with
provisions, bearing arms, or accepting any
appointment in their civil regulations.

Read three times and ratified in General
Assembly, the 17th May, 1783.

Ric. Caswell, S. Senate.

E. Starkey, S. Commons.

Many people are fools enough to think,
because our three names are particularly
put in this Act, that we are all guilty of
the crimes set forth, but I defy the world
to charge me with rape, or anything more
than I have set forth in this Journal.

All his Majesty's subjects or others that
wish to know the truth of anything further
than I have set forth, let them make en-
quiry of those gentlemen whose names I
have struck in; examine the letters of the
rebels, and the recommendations of the
officers who have been acquainted with
me in person and with my services in the
time of the late war.

Although I have been prohibited from
receiving any benefit from the laws of the
State, all that I desire is to have the liberty
of commanding 30,000 men in favour of
the British Government. I flatter myself
that there would be no doubt of my put-
ting many of them to swing by the neck
for their honesty, as John White did, after
stealing 150 horses in North Carolina.

Here follows a short address to the
printer, signed.

5x^

..C^/^^/^U.>.4f^^

COL. FANNING'S SIGNATURE CONSIDBRABLY REDUCED

NOTES

PAGE 1

Id Sabin's "Dictionary of Books Relating to America," Vol. VI., at page 352, it
ia stated that tho original manuscript belonged to a Mr. Deane, of Cambridge, who lent
it to a friend, who in turn re-lent it to a Southern gentleman, who printed it. This is a
mistake. The original manuscript has never yet left Digby, Nova Scotia. Mr. Sabin's
statement can be true only of the copy made by Mr. Bliss for the Massachusetts Historical
Society, of which Mr. Deane was some time Corresponding Secretary, and which copy is
not in the Library of the Society.

TAOES 5 and 8

Mr. Wheeler gets his story of Fanning 's repulsive physical afflictions and early life
from Dr. Caruthers' book, who says he received various and differing accounts from several
sources, and selected those which seemed most likely to be true ; by which he evidently
means those most damaging to Fanning. He says, "Fanning seldom murdered any except
those who had proved treacherous to his cause and those who had excited his wrath by
uttering threats, or by resisting his progress. ' ' To kill those who resisted his progress,
in other words, opposed him on the field of battle, was murder in Dr. Caruthers' eyes, as
well as to shoot deserters, and he may have thought of Balfour in connection with uttering
threats. Nevertheless, he says later on that Fanning * ' pursued the same course of rapine,
murder and devastation." The murder of a woman, which he so pathetically relates on
page 254, is apocryphal on its face, for if it had taken place there could have been no one
but Fanning himself to tell the tale. It is evidently a malicious fiction. How an intelligent
man like Dr. Caruthers could have been imposed on by such a story as he relates on pages
284 to 288.. it is difficult to conceive. Having heard of Fanning 's trial in St. John, the
absurd details are filled up from imagination, while the facts could have been easily
obtained by writing for information to New Brunswick.

PAGE 9

Thomas Fletchall was a man of considerable importance in South Carolina before
the Eovolution. Like his older and more famous contemporary patriot, General Euggles,
of Massachusetts, his sympathies were with the claims of the Colonists, but he refused to
be dragooned into rebellion. He was therefore imprisoned by order of the Provincial
Consrress in 1776, and his property, which included "Fair Forest," his home in Union
District, S.C, was confiscated in 1782.

Eaeburn's Creek was a branch of Reedy River, and in Laurens Co., S.C. Rev. William
Tennent and W. H. Drayton travelled through the country together, the latter as an
emissary of the "Committee of Correspondence and Safety" of South Carolina to stir
the people against the Government; the former to perform Christian rites as well. He
was probably a son of Rev. William Tennent, D.D., a colonial clergyman of some note,
born in Ireland.

SiLVEDOOR. The American Editor says the name was Salvador, and attributes Tan-
ning's error to illiteracy, but it is no proof of illiteracy to misspell an unfamiliar foreign
surname.

PAGES 4 and 9

Thomas Broavn was of Aug\ista, Georgia. The reader is referred to Sabine's account
of this man and his career. He is said to have been "one of the most malignant and
vindictive among the Southern Loyalists," and to have been made so "by the illegal and
unjustifiable means employed by the Patriots to make him otherwise." The five victims
who, the American Editor says, were taken from the jail and executed by his orders at
Augusta, probably suffered in direct retaliation for the five Loyalists, whose murder Van
Tyne says led to reprisals through the whole war, and were probably deserters from the

J^OTES- Continued 53

British forces. Many of the tales quoted against him by Sabine are evidently legendary
or fabulous, and he published an able vindication of his conduct. According to Sabine
the British Government gave him £30,000 as compensation for his losses. He died at St.
Vincent, W.I., in 1825, the same year that Fanning died in Digby.

PAGES 9 and 14

Robert Cunningham was an Irishman of ability and influence, as was also his brother
Patrick. He was commissioned a Judge and the latter Surveyor General before the war.

PAGE 12

Colonel Mills was one of the twelve barbarously put to death by the victorious
revolutionists after the battle of King's Mountain — "cold-blooded murders." Although
from his rank he must have been a man of position and influence, he is not mentioned
by Sabine.

PAGE 14

Abraham DePetster and his two brothers, James and Frederic, came to New
Brunswick, where Abraham died February, 1798, aged 45. All three held high oflices in
the new Province. Portraits of Abraham and Frederic, with extensive notices of them,
appear in Lawrence's "Footprints of St. John" (St. John: J. & A. McMillan, 1883).
See also Sabine. They were, like many other of the best families of New York, descended
from a French Protestant who fled to Holland in the days of persecution. The descend-
ants of these men are now for the most part in New York. Some of them rendered good
service to the Union during the Civil War, professing to act on the same principles as their
ancestors did in the Revolution. Colonel Johnston DePeyster, April 3, 1865, hoisted the
first Union flag on the Capitol in Richmond. General George Watts DePeyster, of New
York, a grandson of Frederic, delivered a notable address before the Historical Society
of New Brunswick July 4, 1883, the centenary year of the landing of the Loyalists, in
which he shows the analogy between the position of the Loyalists in the American Revo-
lution, who fought for a United Empire, and the Union Loyalists of the Civil War. The
address, which, is of much historic value, was published in New York by Charles H.
Ludwig, 10 and 12 Read Street, 1883. Although the production of an American oflSleer
of high rank, it glows with the spirit of his Loyalist ancestors.

pages 14 and 18

Major Patrick Ferguson, a promising British officer killed at the battle of King's
Mountain. October 7, 1780, was a native of Scotland, son of James Ferguson, the eminent
Jurist, and nephew of Lord Elibank. Fanning was with him on his retreat from Gilbert-
town to King's Mountain. Colonel Williams, who fell in this battle, was a native of
Gramdlle, N.C.

page 15

The American Editor corrects Dr. Caruthers' statement that Fanning was with Pyles
when the latter was defeated by Lee. According to his own statement, he was then at
Deep River. But to correct all the statements of Caruthers in detail were an idle task.
For real historical purposes Ms book is of little value, but it served to help keep alive in
the minds of American people that unrelenting hostility to Great Britain which was so
long the settled policy of the United States statesmen and publicists. See page 333 of
his book. To make the memory of the Loyalists odious was his unworthy aim. If a band
of Loyalists made a gallant and successful attack, it was a diabolical massacre; if a body
of " Whigs" did the same thing, it was a splendid feat of arms which entitled its heroes
to immortality. His book was just such as the Americans used to love.

page 16

John Hamilton, a native of Scotland, and after the war British Consul at Norfolk,
Virginia, was a man of great ability and culture, and very highly esteemed. He died
in England in 1817.

Guilford Dudley married a niece of John Randolph, of Roanoke, whose biography
was published by Dr. J. B. Dudley, a sou of Guilford. The American Editor refers to
the Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. 2, pp. 144, 257, 281-370.

pages 17 and 18

We gather from the American Editor, who gets it from Caruthers, that Major John
Rains was a miller in Tennessee, and very poor in 1819. Richard Edwards was killed

64 ISiOTES—Gontinuid

at Kirk's Farm a week before the battle of Cane Creek, and his brother Edwakd, who
jaioceoded him in commauil, was Killed the next week at LindJey "3 ALUls; Mekedith Kdwakds,
Thomas Dark, Thomas Eastridqe and Thomas Richetts were all executed for their
loyalty under a conviction for alleged treason against their "State" in January,, 1782.
John Rains, Sr., was killed at Lindley 's Mills, and John Caqle and James Rice were
hanged at Peo Dee, and David Jackson met the same fate in Randolph; Stephen Walkkr
was shot in April, 1782, by Colonel Qholson, on Deep River, and James and Simon Lindley
were shot "in the mountains." Thomas Blair settled at New River, built iron worka,
and prospered, and John McLean, who had charge of Gkivernor Burke when a prisoner,
was, through favor of a Wiig frieml, allowed to settle on the Lower Deep River. Alex-
ander McKay died rich in the West Indies, and Col. Duncan Ray went to Nova Scotia.
J-lo aJso' Bars that Peter Mallet, excluded with Fanning and Andrews in the "Act of
Pardon, ' ' was the victim of prejudice. He might have said that most of the others killed
otherwise than in battle were the victims of diabolical malice, and the barbarous method*
of wa.ging war employed by their enemies, who hanged for treason against their country
men who loved their country, as well aw thoy themselvee ilid, and conscientiously sought to
promote its highest interests as they saw them, and, moreover, had law on their side.

Doctor Caruthers publishes, pages 244-5, the report of John WUliamB, the Judge of
the Court, to the Governor, in which he says: "Meredith Edwards and Thomas Eastridge
were also indicted for treason. They are both men who appeared to be equally popular
among the Tories, and very active, and men of Fanning 's gang, though generally kind
ftild humane to prisoners while in their custody. * * * As to the general moral
character of these men, it seemed to be pretty good, only great Tories." Then he publishes
Fanning 's letter of February 26th, 1782, to the Governor, threatening reprisals if any
more were hung. "I understand you have hung three of my men — one Captain and two
privates — and have a Captain and six men under sentence of death. If the requisitiona
of my articles do not arrive to satisfaction, and the effusion of blood stopped, and the
lives of these men saved, I will retaliate blood for blood, and tenfold for one, and there
shall never an oflBcer or private of the Rebel party escape that falls into my hand here-
after." Alas, they were hangjed! an atrocity which after his caution naturally exas-
perated Fanning to the highest pitch of fury, and the killing of Balfour, Doudy and
Bryan, and the destruction of a number of plantations, followed in quick and ghastly
succiession. As quaint old Thomas Fuller, in his ' ' Worthies of England. ' ' says. ' ' A sol
dier's most proper bemoaning of a friend's death in war is in revenging it."

Colonel Archibald McDougall was in Nova Scotia some years, then in England,
where he obtained a pension, and finally settled in North Carolina, where he was a popular
and useful citizen, as the Loyalists generally would have been, and were in the British
Provinces to which they were exiled.

PAGE 22

Capt. John Leggatt, in Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Regiment, was one of
those with Fanning at St. Augustine in 1783, but finally returned to North Carolina.

pages 4 and 25

i^DMUND Fanning was bom on Long Island. N.Y. Much abused by some American
writers mioted with apparent approval by Sabine, he was a msn of much ability, excellent
character and high ideals. He was Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia and assumed the
duties of Governor of Prince Edward Island in 1786, and was an able, energetic and pat-
riotic administrator, and managed peculiar difficulties with tact and firmness, leaving a
lasting impress for good on the history of the Province. See Warburton'e "Historical
Sketch of Prince Edward Island," pp. 35 et seq. He attained the rank of General in
the British Army, and died in London in 1818. A large and beautiful lake in Yarmouth
County. X.S.. is named "Lake Fanning," in his honor.

page 31

"(^iven xmder my hand at arms." The "at" is perfectly plain; it certainly is not
"and arm,"' as the American Editor prints and ridicules it.

pages 31 and 32

Andrev? Balfour, like Hamilton, who espoused with equal zeal the other side of the
unhappy controversy, was a Scotsman, bom in Edinburgh, and came to America in 1772.
His rennark to Fanning, that there was "no resting place for a Tory's foot on the earth,"
which led to his own death March 10, 1782, as related in the narrative, proves him to have
been among the more intolerant and uncompromising spirits who in the beginning of the

^OTES— Continued 55

war were so largely responsible for the excesses on both sides, and which reached their
climax as the struggle was drawing to a close. Nothing is recorded against him except
this utterance and Fanning 's reference to his "ill deeds." His posterity are numerous
and respectable. His killing was simply an example of the way the war was carried on
by both parties, beginning with the hanging of five "Tories" mentioned by Van Tyne,
and the tarring and feathering of Brown. It followed close upon the execution of a
number of Fanning 's officers and men. His brother, John Balfour, was a Loyalist.

PAGES 23, 24, 40

See footnote to page 40. Colonel Hector McNeill, who commanded a regiment of
Cape Fear Scots, was an uncle of Capt. Daniel McNeill. Colonel Hector McNeill, who
succeeded to the command, was a brother of Daniel. Daniel was a son of Archibald
and Janet McNeill, and was born in 1752 at Lower Little Eiver, Cumberland Co., N.C.
He espoused the Loyal cause on the outbreak of hostilities, and for a time served as
Lieutenant in a regiment of the line, and was afterwards appointed Captain in a North
Carolina regiment of Loyalists by Lord Comwallis June 24, 1780, but his commission
In the North Carolina Volunteers, commanded by Lieut.-Col. John Hamilton, bears date
August 20, 1781. He served bravely and honorably throughout the war, and was wounded
at least once. A bullet consisting of a rough slug of rolled lead was embedded in his
thighbone. Capt. McNeill was in Halifajs:, N.&., in November, 1783, in connection with an
application for grants of land to Loyalists of the two Carolinas, and on May 13th fol-
lowing a grant was made to about 400 oificers and men from those States at Country
Harbor, now a part of the County of Guysborough, Nova >Scotia. They called the settle-
ment Stormont, by which a district in that County ia still known. He married in Nova
Scotia Mary, daughter of Capt. John Nutting, of the Royal Engineers in the British
Army, of Massachusetts Loyalist ancestry. Her mother was Mary Walton, who was bom
of Loyalist parents at South Eeading, Mass. From her father the village of "Wklton,
in Hants Co., N.S., was named. Capt. McNeill finally removed to a place called "Loyal
Hill, ' ' on the Avon Eiver, about eight miles below Windsor, N.S., and died of apoplexy
May 5, 1818. His only son, Archibald John, died young. His daughter, Mary Janet,
married at Windsor about 1817 Francis Parker, a grandson of a native of Yorkshire,
who with three brothers had migrated to Nova Scotia in 1775, and was the mother of
Hon. Daniel McNeill Parker, M.D., who as a physician of great learning and skill, a
member of the Legislative Council of Nova Scotia, a holder of many important honorary
offices, and a religious leader in the Baptist Church, was rightly esteemed as an example
of all that is just, true and honorable in professional, political, social and private life.

It appears that Capt. McNeill's father was not exiled, nor was his property confis-
cated, as he left the Captain considerable property by his will, to realise which he visited
North Carolina in 1811. He met with diJScultieB, resorting to litigation, which he was
obliged to compromise by accepting a number of slaves. These, to his great loss, nearly
all deserted him on his arrival in Nova Scotia, encouraged by public sentiment in the
Province. Two plantations devised to him and his heirs, one in Chatham County, near
the mouth of New Hope, the other on McKay's Creek, Cumberland Co., N.C, were never
recovered by him or his daughters, to whom he devised them. Even the daughters could not
be forgiven for their father's loyalty.

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F2134n Narrative; ed, by Savary

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Full text of "Narrative of his exploits and adventures as a Loyalist of North Carolina in the American Revolution, supplying important omissions in the copy published in the United States;"

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